To kill the white citizens in South Africa

The mission and end goal are to attack, torture and kill – as well as rape. The shouting and singing of them are like thunder, today it is there and tomorrow it is back again, sometimes more intense than other days and more destructure as possible. The ANC red revolution did not stop in 1994, it is endless with different drivers in the Bolshevism rules. They do not like to work, but prefer to burn down all businesses and infrastructures. Elites like the B-BBEE legislations as well.

 

Umkhonto we Sizwe - Alchetron, The Free Social Encyclopedia

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IN THE WORLD OF REALITY – WHAT HAPPENED DURING THE SO-CALLED APARTHEID?

APARTHEID WAS CREATED BY THE BRITISH COLONIAL EMPIRE, NOT BY US




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MISSION TO KILL – B-BBEE IS PART OF THE KILLING


Quote

To safely UmkhontoUmkhonto we Sizwe (MK).

We the members of the Umkhonto have pledged ourselves to kill them — kill the whites.”

These are lyrics from the anthem of Umkhonto we Sizwe, or “Spear of the Nation.”   

The organization is better known as the MK, the military wing of the Marxist African National Congress (ANC). The MK was established by its commander, Nelson Mandela, to prosecute a terrorist war against South Africa’s racist apartheid regime.

Mandela had been out of prison for about two years in September 1992 when, fist clenched in the “black power” salute, he was filmed singing the anthem with a number of his comrades. Interestingly, but not ironically, as Mandela and others repeated the refrain about killing Boer farmers, it was a white man who stood next to him, similarly clench-fisted and singing. The man’s name is Ronnie Kasrils. A Soviet-trained terrorist who helped Mandela found the MK, Kasrils was a member of the Central Committee of the South African Communist Party.

THEY ARE SINGING TO KILL
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NKiePbTcAfY

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So was Mandela. No surprise there: Communism was, and remains, the animating ideology of the ANC. That makes it the enduring tragedy of South Africa.

I admit to finding this week’s Mandela hagiography tough to take. It was, to be sure, predictable. As we’ve observed time and again, once the culture and the institutions of opinion have been surrendered to the Left for two or three generations, you cannot be too surprised to wake up one day and find that the United States is no longer the country you’ve so confidently described as “right of center.” Still, while high-wattage fawning was to be expected in the mainstream media, the conservative press, too, tripped over itself to praise Mandela. That was disheartening.

Race, of course, is at the bottom of all this. We are all properly repulsed by the apartheid system of legally coerced racial segregation. Institutionalized racism is a thing of the past in the United States, but the blight lingers, overshadowing the heroic moral crusade to overcome it and become a nation that fully lives its founding ideals. An event like Nelson Mandela’s death, like the airbrushing of Mandela in life, becomes less about him than it is an occasion to reaffirm our historic, impersonal guilt — it being as facile to proclaim the ability to redeem other people’s sins as to exhibit charity with other people’s money.

Nevertheless, it is worth remembering — particularly here at National Review — that the modern conservative movement has never been about liberty as an abstraction. Its trailblazers, led by William F. Buckley Jr., championed liberty in the context of a death struggle against Communism — a “death struggle” precisely because Communists were committed to the destruction of liberty, typically posing as champions of “democracy” as they labored to divide and conquer societies.

In South Africa, the fissure to exploit was race — with the added advantage that apartheid was immoral because it rejected the equal human dignity of every citizen. The ANC, however, were no freedom fighters. The armed struggle Mandela led was not to give every South African an equal opportunity to enjoy the fruits of liberty. It was a will-to-power struggle to give the Communists dominion over the country.

As Ron Radosh recounts in the most clear-eyed Mandela remembrance to be found this week, Mandela fully accepted the positions of the South African Communist Party and used its strength to turn the ANC to terrorism. Western journalists want to bleach this history into a noble “people’s war” against an evil, murderous, racist regime. It was hardly that.

The MK led a terrorist insurgency that included bombings of public places. It killed many, many more civilians than it did members of the regime’s security forces — copiously including women and children. Indeed, it killed many more people than the approximately 7,000 black South Africans who, according to the post-apartheid Truth and Reconciliation Commission, were killed by the regime during the 46 years of apartheid. In fact, twice that number, over 14,000 people, were killed between 1990 and 1994 — the period during which the ANC was legalized and black-on-black violence became rampant, just as it is in South Africa today. The ANC systematically killed rivals for power and suspected regime informants — most notoriously, by the savage method of “necklacing,” in which a tire filled with gasoline was hung around the terrified victim’s neck and then set on fire.

As Ron Radosh further recounts, Mandela struck alliances with the world’s worst Communist thugs. A particular favorite was Fidel Castro, the leader of a Cuba that, Mandela brayed, “stands out head and shoulders above the rest . . . in its love for human rights and liberty.” He similarly courted Moammar Qaddafi, Yasser Arafat, and the totalitarian regimes of North Korea and Iran.

Mandela was thus, naturally, stinging in his rebukes of the United States. In 2002, President Bush — much like the press this week, preferring to see the Mandela of Western lore rather than of South African reality — presented him with the Presidential Medal of Freedom. A year later, after the American invasion of Iraq, Mandela ripped the U.S. as “a power with a president who has no foresight and cannot think properly,” who was “now wanting to plunge the world into a holocaust. . . . If there is a country that has committed unspeakable atrocities in the world, it is the United States of America.”

He is deservedly lauded for not following the path of Zimbabwe’s monstrous Marxist dictator, Robert Mugabe. Nevertheless, the thunderous ovation Mugabe received upon arriving at the Soweto stadium for Mandela’s memorial service spoke volumes about “democratic” South Africa, and where it is headed.

Defying fears justified by his past, Mandela did not allow South Africa to slide into civil war upon becoming president in 1994. Nor did he immediately fulfill the revolutionary hopes of his fellow Communists. Nevertheless, as the South African journalist Ilana Mercer recounts in Into the Cannibal’s Pot, a searing if depressing account of her country post-apartheid, approximately 300,000 South Africans have been murdered since the day, almost 20 years ago, that Mandela took office.

The MK led a terrorist insurgency that included bombings of public places. It killed many, many more civilians than it did members of the regime’s security forces — copiously including women and children. Indeed, it killed many more people than the approximately 7,000 black South Africans who, according to the post-apartheid Truth and Reconciliation Commission, were killed by the regime during the 46 years of apartheid. In fact, twice that number, over 14,000 people, were killed between 1990 and 1994 — the period during which the ANC was legalized and black-on-black violence became rampant, just as it is in South Africa today. The ANC systematically killed rivals for power and suspected regime informants — most notoriously, by the savage method of “necklacing,” in which a tire filled with gasoline was hung around the terrified victim’s neck and then set on fire.

As Ron Radosh further recounts, Mandela struck alliances with the world’s worst Communist thugs. A particular favorite was Fidel Castro, the leader of a Cuba that, Mandela brayed, “stands out head and shoulders above the rest . . . in its love for human rights and liberty.” He similarly courted Moammar Qaddafi, Yasser Arafat, and the totalitarian regimes of North Korea and Iran.

Mandela was thus, naturally, stinging in his rebukes of the United States. In 2002, President Bush — much like the press this week, preferring to see the Mandela of Western lore rather than of South African reality — presented him with the Presidential Medal of Freedom. A year later, after the American invasion of Iraq, Mandela ripped the U.S. as “a power with a president who has no foresight and cannot think properly,” who was “now wanting to plunge the world into a holocaust. . . . If there is a country that has committed unspeakable atrocities in the world, it is the United States of America.”

He is deservedly lauded for not following the path of Zimbabwe’s monstrous Marxist dictator, Robert Mugabe. Nevertheless, the thunderous ovation Mugabe received upon arriving at the Soweto stadium for Mandela’s memorial service spoke volumes about “democratic” South Africa, and where it is headed.

Defying fears justified by his past, Mandela did not allow South Africa to slide into civil war upon becoming president in 1994. Nor did he immediately fulfill the revolutionary hopes of his fellow Communists. Nevertheless, as the South African journalist Ilana Mercer recounts in Into the Cannibal’s Pot, a searing if depressing account of her country post-apartheid, approximately 300,000 South Africans have been murdered since the day, almost 20 years ago, that Mandela took office.

Admirably, Mandela served one term and relinquished power, setting an example of political transition rare in his corner of the globe. In his term, however, he made capitalism the scapegoat for apartheid and set in motion the government-orchestrated redistribution of wealth, to the great benefit of his ANC cronies. He perversely called the program “deracialization of the economy” — even though the gradual, racially driven divestment of white South Africans is the program’s obvious aim. He made Ronnie Kasrils minister of the defense forces. Kasrils would continue to serve the Communist party and the post-apartheid government for years after Mandela stepped down, including in a stint as head of the intelligence service.

Under one-party leftist domination since 1994, South Africa has become a Third World basket case. It vies with Iraq and Colombia to be the world’s most violent country. In a country of 43 million, the official estimate of 60 annual murders per every 100,000 people (compared to six in the U.S. and fewer than two in the EU), is a gross understatement: Interpol pegs it at nearly twice that amount, for a staggering 54,000 homicides per annum. Rape is so commonplace it is estimated that one occurs every seven minutes (with one report putting it at one every 26 seconds). Most of the crime is black-on-black, but it is open season on whites — especially white land owners — as one would expect in a place where ditties like the one Mandela was filmed singing in 1992 remain immensely popular. A million white South Africans have fled the country.

It may not be a civil war. But it is surely the slide into dystopia that is Communism’s inevitable end. Giving Nelson Mandela his due should not mean obscuring that fact.


https://www.nationalreview.com/2013/12/remembering-mandela-without-rose-colored-glasses-andrew-c-mccarthy/

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They all programmed to sing and dance, sing the words to kill, kill all whites in South Africa.

Dis wat hulle altyd sing – hulle is geprogammeer om dood te maak, om die Boer dood te maak, om die witman dood te maak.

Veilig Umkhonto. Umkhonto we Sizwe. Ons, die lede van die Umkhonto, het ons belowe om hulle dood te maak – die blankes dood te maak. ” Dit is lirieke uit die volkslied van Umkhonto we Sizwe, oftewel ‘Spear of the Nation’. Die organisasie is beter bekend as die MK, die militêre vleuel van die Marxistiese African National Congress (ANC). Die MK is gestig deur sy bevelvoerder, Nelson Mandela, om ‘n terroriste-oorlog teen Suid-Afrika se rassistiese apartheidsregime te vervolg.


https://alchetron.com/Umkhonto-we-Sizwe

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3-atwLcmEno&feature=emb_logo



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<<>> <<>> <<>>

“so-called Apartheid”


They all said it was the fault of “apartheid”, but today, after 1994 there are still separate areas. The old reserves of 1854 and British Crownland, the 1961 homelands became “landclaims” under the impression that the Whites stole all their land, but they still live there as their ancestors did.

Landclaims fall under the CPA legislation, but even during the 1993 Codesa (Contralesa) the leaders of the Zulu people claimed they still wanted their Zulu homeland and changed it before the 1994 elections to Ingonyama Trust, even with legislation in place, with the ANC and old NP. Beneficiaries: Zulu people only.

There are different CPA and Trustland areas for both Khoi san and different Black groups, but they claimed they have no land at all.

De Klerk foundation/Solidarity also said there were more than 7.5 million blacks with title deeds on their land.

A white paper of SA Parliament – most of the ethnic peoples are not part of the so-called rainbow nation (30++ millions with the khoisan and others in the CPA’s)

Ooreenkomste – Agreements

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December 2018

Traditional leaders South Africa: 8840

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What perks are there for the traditional leaders

Ramaphosa’s new cabinet, mp’s and perks and traditional leaders

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It is also written in their constitution of 1996

South Africa: Traditional leaders

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It is good to compare apples with apples,  before and after the virus, during the lockdown and what was our situation the past couple of years. Even Brics countries are most welcome – and Cuba.

Unemployment – SA – communism – bolshevism

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Goldman Sachs acts as a financial intermediary between the entities that need to raise money and the entities that have money to invest. The entities can be corporations, financial institutions, investment funds, governments, and high net-worth (HNI) individuals.   In addition, Goldman Sachs also provides financial advisory to these entities.

Goldman Sachs – Mandela

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Who was / Wie was

Black Pimpernel



Traditional leaders, different areas, different legislations, CPA and Trustland areas after 1994 – still separate from each other.

Same as 1854 era of the British Shepstone policy?

Do you have only communal rights as stipulated by legislations.

SA Parliament – land without compensation – traditional leaders

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ALL PEOPLE HAVE THE RIGHT TO RULE THEMSELVES IN THEIR OWN AREAS

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During the quatro /quadro camps the ANC did this to their own peoples during 1994-1961  and they also killed their own people in their detention camps – some horror stories and victims – what happened to the leaders of those in charge of the camps?  Rape and murder were also mentioned in various video clips.

ANC – Quatro camps

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CultureWatch blogger Bill Muehlenberg also has strong reservations about Mandela, citing South African missionary Dr. Peter Hammond, who notes that “Mandela was the head of the military wing of the African National Committee (ANC),” which Hammond referred to as “the abortion, necklacing and corruption party.”

Mandela – Culture Watch


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Same “struggle” happened in other African countries, and in 2020 it is still the same.

Zuma, bomme – moorde en plaasmoorde – ook voor 1994

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MARIKANA

South Africa – Revolution – Ongoing

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Before 1994
South Africa – Suid-Afrika (voor 1994)


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George Soros financed the constitution of South Africa, parliament, black sash and legislations.

Suid-Afrika Parlement /South Africa Parliament






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