What about the quatro /quadro camps the ANC did this to their own peoples during 1994-1961 and they also killed their own people in their detention camps – some horror stories and victims – what happened to the leaders of those in charge of the camps? Rape and murder were also mentioned in various video clips.
Those ANC-EFF-DA in parliament always referred to so-called apartheid, but segregation is still with us today and it is minuted in various Hansards.
What happened in the Quatro camps of the ANC?
To the memory of
Ephraim Nkondo and Mlamli Namba
Vindication of Searchlight South Africa
The ANC was compelled at the highest level to acknowledge its imprisonment, torture and execution of members in exile as a means of suppressing critical opinion. It was compelled also to acknowledge the role of Searchlight South Africa in exposing these abuses. The Weekly Mail, the leading liberal newspaper in South Africa, also acknowledged reliance on material published in SSA more than two years previously, as a source for its own exposure of torture and executions by the ANC.
Two former ANC detainees with whom we were directly or indirectly in touch were murdered almost immediately on their return ‘home.’ These were Sipho Phungulwa (shot dead in Umtata in the Transkei in June 1990, ‘allegedly by named ANC officials’, as Amnesty states, pl7) and Bongani Ntshangase, ‘shot dead by unidentified assailants’, as Amnesty records, at Msinga in Natal on 21 May 1992. More details can be found about the lives and deaths of these two men in Searchlight South Africa Nos 5,6,8 and 9, and in the Amnesty report. The bulk of the former victims of the ANC security department who have returned to South Africa live miserable lives. Some in disappointment and desperation have turned to alcohol.
The famous “Hani memorandum”, drafted by Chris Hani and others in the mid-1960s, raised such issues — and nearly got Hani executed by Modise for “treason”. That was the MK leadership’s usual response to any complaints from the rank-and-file, and continued to be so for decades.
The circumstances that gave rise to the memorandum are described and discussed in Amin Cajee’s and Fanele Mbali’s books, for they were both early recruits to MK and spent their first years in exile in the ANC’s Kongwa camp in Tanzania. Cajee’s memoir begins with his being sentenced to death for “treason” — for possibly being sympathetic to the Chinese at the time of the schism between the Soviet Union and China. The heavy hand of Soviet propaganda is evident here, as it would be later in the Angolan camps.
The central problem was that the recruits who had slipped out of South Africa to join the struggle, as detailed by Cajee and Mbali, were desperate to get back to South Africa to fight, but instead found themselves “rotting” (as it was often put) in the camp, and in very unpleasant circumstances too. They believed the leadership had arrogated all sorts of privileges to itself and was neglecting them. There was also fraud, as Cajee describes, with those responsible for provisioning the troops with OAU money skimming a great deal off for themselves. The recruits got some extra tinned food from the Soviet Union, at one point, but discovered its expiry date was round the time of World War II.
When MK operatives were ultimately sent into battle, as in the Wankie and Sipolilo incursions (into then-Rhodesia and Mozambique respectively), those campaigns were disastrous. Leaders such as Modise had done no reconnaissance, and the plans were not even in line with what recruits had learned about guerrilla warfare in the training they had received in Eastern Europe. Mbali tells the story of the attempt to land MK fighters on South Africa’s east coast, from the sea, which was another abortive mission. It looked to those in the camps that their comrades had been sent on suicide missions, and Cajee was one of those who felt he had to leave. He escaped to Kenya and ultimately to Britain (where he remains today).
As detailed in his very readable account, “as told to Terry Bell”, Cajee lost faith in the struggle as it was then being prosecuted by the ANC and MK. It’s not hard to see how this could happen. The corruption at the top, about which Hani and others had complained, was not being dealt with. The ANC’s Morogoro conference in 1969 helped somewhat, but it was too late for the likes of Cajee. And the same problems would arise once more, in even worse form, in the 1980s, as though the ANC had learnt nothing from the internal ructions of the 1960s.
Stanley Manong’s book, If We Must Die, covers the period of the 1980s mutinies in the ANC’s Angola Viana and Pango camps — he was there, or very nearby, and sympathised with the mutineers, and gives a compelling account of the events.
After the 1976 student uprising in South Africa, MK had received a large influx of recruits who had left the country to join the armed struggle. Manong was one of them. By this time, MK had established camps for its soldiers in Angola, which was engaged in a civil war — and sent its troops to support the ruling Angolan party, the MPLA, in its battle with the insurgent Unita movement.
That fight may have blooded some MK fighters, but it didn’t satisfy their desire to get stuck into the struggle in South Africa. The conditions in the camps were bad, and any attempts to rectify matters were usually stomped upon by the ANC’s security wing, colloquially known as Mbokodo (“the grinding stone”). There was a great deal of resentment, which exploded in the Viana and Pango mutinies. Modise was only just prevented from sending in Angolan government troops to quell the initial mutiny; they would in all likelihood simply have gunned down the mutineers. In the end, the mutiny was suppressed after some skirmishes, a handful of MK men were executed and many were sent to the MK prison camp, Quatro, where they were tortured and killed.
Simpson deals pretty briefly with Quatro and the mutinies, but that is because the swath of history he is treating is so broad and, in effect, scattered. Simpson’s book is a magnificent achievement, based on thousands of interviews, and recounting what happened at all levels in an almost day-by-day way. Sometimes it feels as though one is right there, trudging through the bush with the barely prepared soldiers, or flitting back and forth across various borders with committed and persistent infiltrators, or setting bombs with the later saboteurs in the streets of South Africa’s cities.
If what emerges is a sense of the ramshackle nature of the armed struggle, which was perhaps always only the “armed propaganda” it was later designated. There were some successes, and accounts such as Manong’s show that the rank-and-file were certainly capable of the heroism for which they were acclaimed — even if the whole was, as Oliver Tambo said of certain campaigns, a “heroic failure.”
The fact is that the military wing of the ANC, a military wing which was founded by Mandela, and headed, among others, by Chris Hani, was responsible for the deaths of countless civilians. In fact, its members were too afraid of combating soldiers. Another fact is that its members tortured civilians and raped women who were detained by them. These are historical facts, and whoever doesn’t like those facts is welcome to invite me for a debate or sue me in some court.
But the most inapropriate thing is to take such a video clip off, because it is “inappropriate”, without warning me and without giving me any chance or possibility to respond, like YouTube did, after it received almost 32 thousand viewers.
Before 1994 and Kodesa negotiations
FINANCED BY COMMUNIST GEORGE SOROS
FW De Klerk signed the Ingonyama Trust legislation after the negotiations with the Zulu people, their leaders, Zwelithini and Buthelezi – that was during the Kodesa discussions. Nothing wrong with any such agreements, but it is only for the Zulu people to make business.
The Zulu people also differ from other cultures and we as Boers and Afrikaners are different from all other ethnic groups of people.
After 1994, there were also White papers, that told most ethnic black, coloured and khoi san people are still living in the old homelands or british crownlands (more than 30 million).
With land claims there are thousands separate areas and landclaims that received millions and millions of rand, also seed, implements, cattle, chickens, etc. The ANC call it now CPA under the CPA legislations. Only for those that claimed it – and registered their CPA with leaders.
There are also 8840 traditional leaders, mentioned in Hansards, that also receive salaries and benefits from TAX money. If this is not the truth, why do they have Trustlands, CPAs and thousands of leaders – to do what?
The so-called apartheid system was not our decisions, all those in the previous homelands have legal elections, they elected their own leaders and it is not the truth that we took their human rights away. They live on that areas since 1854 (under British rule). We did not. Homelands were also called RESERVES or BRITISH CROWNLAND before (1854-1961), and they falled under British rule, same with us.
What must we apologise if they still live separate today as before 1994 in the homelands or reserves/british crownland (1961-1854)? AND, if the United nations’ declarations and treaties are clear that all peoples have the right to rule themselves in their own areas. Nothing wrong if they get CPAs (Landclaims) or Trustland,, it is in line with United Nations treaties. We want our own independent state for our own areas, then the ANC, EFF, DA liberals do not have to worry about B-BBEE and EE and land reform.
Sequence on rape, torture & execution of inmates in exile at ANC detention centre Quatro Camp, Angola. From the documentary by Kevin Harris, titled “Unfinished Business”dealing with the search by Joe Seremane for the truth about his brother, Chief – tortured & executed in exile at Quatro Camp.
In war, truth and morality are the first casualties. In South Africa the brutalised sometimes became the brutalisers. // Teddy Williams, a former member of Umkhonto we Sizwe, was sent to the ANC’s Quatro rehabilitation camp for taking part in a camp mutiny. //
What traumatized me most is to see people being tortured. Lots of people … others beaten … There was another colleague of mine who was one of the mutinies. He had his scalp opened up with a bayonet during torture. I have concrete testimony about one friend of mine that I skipped with. His name is [inaudible]; his brother’s working at Shell House. He was told his younger brother committed suicide. What happened is that he was a security man; he was a former bodyguard of OR Tambo.
And they were in this security place of theirs, transit. I think they were drinking as I understood it, chatting over some beers. And he told them, but you guys who done so much harm to your fellow comrades we are getting back to South Africa not very long and some of you are going to have to answer to that. One guy, Mike, just stood up and cocked his pistol and shot him, just like that, in the head. // They used to beat me in the cell because, they used to come in and say, yes this is your last days you bloody monkey. They beat me with guns and everything, because I was already designated to be executed. Shortly after those beatings the president, OR Tambo accompanied by Mzwai Philiso and Joe Modise came to that camp Kamalunga. When they came and they saw us there, we were supposed to stand up you see, I felt numbed, I simply cried when I saw them, because of that thing I saw, the beating of your colleagues to that extent.
It turned out to be a very appropriate name, Mbokodo, the stone that crushes. The name of the ANC’s security department while the ANC was still in exile in neighbouring states. The infiltration of South African government spies led to paranoia and the resulting rehabilitation camps became places of torture, humiliation and disappearances. // George Dube’s first run-in with ANC security was when he complained about food and conditions in camp.
He ended up in the infamous Quatro camp at Quibaxe in Angola under the suspicion of being a spy. //
We did hard labour, you worked like a pig with a shovel from morning to sunset, or else you’re chopping wood from morning to sunset. Hot as it is in Luanda, you know, it’s a hot climate there. Then, afterward you don’t have water to wash, they don’t have a pump here, the water comes with a tank, it’s for the officers, for cooking and for washing. You can spend a month or two without washing. We were being beaten almost every day working there. We were always swollen, swollen eyes, swollen mouths and swollen buttocks; we were being beaten with these sticks of coffee trees. So I was [inaudible] at 11 o’clock, there I was beaten at night, I was beaten. // They told me to strip my clothing off and remain in my underwear, I did so. You lie on your stomach and pick your legs up like this, shoes … the boots out. Then they hit me with the electric cord under the feet there, then my feet would cut, like I was being cut by razors.