Hoekom is dit so? Blankes, die Boer en Afrikaner volk staan op vir hul regte en word in dieselfde asem gekritiseer of deur die ANC, president en hul ondersteuners, veral waar dit aanvalle op plaas Boere aangaan en maak of ons lieg daaroor. Sosiale media is ‘n platvorm wat elkeen van ons kan gebruik om mense bewus te maak van moorde wat nie gewone misdaad is nie. Hoeveel swartes is regtig burgers of hul voorgangers, vir langer as 30-40 jaar? Hoeveel is immigrante wat na 1920 hier in myne kom werk het en teruggependel het na hul eie gebiede in Afrika?
Immers gee ons name van persone en slagoffers wat aangeval en vermoor is – swartes en ander wat in hul stede en dorpies of plakkershuise aangeval word, swyg daaroor wie word deur wie vermoor?
Die moorde op ander word mos nie ontken nie, ons bevraagteken of dit wel so is – hoekom bring die ander dan nie feite vorendag nie? Of wag vir die polisie om dit te doen? By elke moord waar ‘n moordenaar opgespoor word, word daar ‘n moorddossier opgestel en die hofsake getuig daarvan.
Selde of ooit sien mens van die ander se hofsake – waarom swyg swartes of selfs ander rasse oor hul geliefdes. Dis mos nie gewone misdaad as iemand vermoor word nie – altans geen moord is ‘n gewone misdaad nie. Moord bly moord. Die regering en hul ondersteuners verbloem dit, want indien daar wel daagliks sowat 50 of 60 aangeval en vermoor word, waar is die grafte, geliefdes wat slagoffers begrawe, moorddossiere en hofsake kan mos ook op sosiale media versprei word?
Die gevolge van ongelukkigheid by enige swart en selfs ander volke is meerendeels op nasionale beeld en nuus. Hulle brand alles af, hul neem wraak, hul neem strate op horings en brand motorbande, maar hoekom swyg hulle as daar 50-60 daagliks vermoor word? Is dit ooit waar en waar word almal begrawe as dit soveel is sedert 1994 reeds? Hoe weet ons nie dis maar net ook ander tipe sterftes wat afgemaak word as moorde? Dis ook nie ons lewensstyl om ons eie strukture wat ons daagliks gebruik in vuur te laat opgaan nie.
Ander rasse loop ook deur, dis waar. Weer eens – Niemand bevraagteken ander moorde of slagoffers nie, maar dit sal interessant wees om te weet, wie vermoor wie in swart of ander informele sektor gebiede en waar is al die name, die begrafnisdienste, hofsake van moordenaars. Nog iets, daar bly miljoene immigrante rondom ons. Hoeveel wat vermoor word is immigrante uit Afrika of elders?
Daar word altyd beweringe of beskuldigings uit swart of ander liberaal verligte blanke geledere gemaak Blanke Boere aanvalle en moorde word “opgeblaas” terwyl martelings nie plaasvind in ander moorde waar groot konsentrasies blankes of ander rasse woonagtig is nie. Wie val wie aan as dit hoë misdaad is in die gebiede.
Traumas kan ook nie vergelyk word met plaasaanvalle en moorde nie. Min name van slagoffers in die hoë konsentrasie swart gebiede, word ooit elders vermeld. Dit is tyd dat diegene wat so krities is teenoor blankes hul eie rekord opbou wie vermoor wie of is dit gewone straatbakleiery en families wat mekaar uithaal of dalk padongelukke of bendegeweld wat summier doodskiet?
Apartheid was created by the British Empire, Rhodes and Shepstone
Today, after 1994 it is still the same – most homelands and crownlands changed to CPA or Trustlands. It was created by blacks and the British empire 1840.
Bloodlands: The complex question of land rights and expropriation has long blighted South Africa. With attacks on white farmers on the rise, many believe the aim is to terrorise them off the land.
Are attacks on white South African farmers aimed at terrorising them off the land? Should Australia offer them special haven, as some MPs here have suggested?
THIS IS NOT THE TRUTH
Much of the farmland of South Africa remains in the hands of the white population. This injustice has been touted as one reason for chronic violence across the country. “
Where are the evidence?
Ramaphosa : Farmers/Whites are thieves accusations expropriation
How many millions are immigrants?
Over the last decade, there has been an increasing incidence of violent crime against the owners and managers of commercial farms or smallholdings and their families: according to statistics collected by police, between January 1997 and December 1999, 356 people on farms or smallholdings were killed by intruders.
Farm owners’ organizations claim that more than 1000 people have died in such circumstances since 1991.
From October 1997, the SAPS Crime Information Analysis Centre (CIAC) based in Pretoria has collected statistics on “attacks on farms and smallholdings.”
There is no “crime code” providing for a category of crime with this definition in the general collection of police statistics, so the statistics are based on questionnaires distributed from Pretoria and completed by individual police stations.
The statistics for “attacks on farms and smallholdings” are problematic for a number of reasons. In the first place, the bundling together of farms and smallholdings has skewed the figures.
There is no definition of either “farm” or “smallholding,” which in itself creates difficulties, though the categories are understood to refer in the first case to large commercial farms which provide the sole or main form of income to those who own them; and, in the second, to the small plots of land mostly surrounding the big cities, where people live and may grow some crops, but which do not form the principal source of livelihood for their owners, who usually work in other employment or are retired. People living on this type of smallholding are particularly vulnerable: effectively part of the city crime environment, where strangers do not attract attention, they are also quite isolated from their neighbors and distant from police assistance.
According to the police statistics relating to “attacks on farms and smallholdings,” attacks on smallholdings have increased much more quickly than attacks on the more distant commercial farms; this is reflected in the fact that attacks have increased especially rapidly in Gauteng, the province housing the Pretoria-Witwatersrand-Vereeniging urban conglomeration, where a majority of the incidents would relate to smallholdings.
According to the CIAC, police stations are asked to note “attacks” on a non-racial basis: so a crime by a stranger against anybody living or working on a farm would be reported. One study found that of murdered victims, 74 percent were white, 17 percent black, 3 percent Asian, and 6 percent colored.
Many farm owners and some of the representatives of the agricultural unions believe that the motive behind the violent crime committed against farm owners is explicitly racial or political, a conspiracy aimed at driving white people off commercial farmland. As noted by one senior police officer with responsibilities for rural safety and security, “It is a complicated issue, an emotional issue, and political because of some of the things that have been said about the land belonging to all. Every attack is perceived by the farmers as having a political motive, based on an organized political attempt to dispossess them, though we can’t find a shred of proof that that is the case.”
To a great extent, the debate over “farm attacks” has been driven by some especially brutal killings, rather than by the overall numbers of murders–though these are certainly high.
According to Jack Loggenberg of the Transvaal Agricultural Union, “We say it is not only crime but something else; they way the people are handled, not only killed, but also tortured brutally, and sometimes nothing is stolen. And not doing anything about it gives the impression that this is acceptable. It could be organized, but we don’t have the facts. We find that in farm murders a lot of research is done, in 100 percent of cases there is prior reconnaissance and then there is extreme violence used. This is planned, very organized, a sweeper involved in removing evidence. It is usually outsiders; often the farmworkers try to stop them and they are also killed. If it is to do with bad relations with farmworkers we can do something about it, but this is more worrying, there is nothing leading up to the attacks.
Several farmers interviewed by Human Rights Watch reported that they had received threats of various types, ranging from anonymous telephone calls to letters warning them to leave their farm or face the consequences. For some, these are an indication of an organized campaign, others see them as isolated threats from the land-hungry. Extracts from one such letter were published in the Helen Suzman Foundation’s Briefing magazine:
We write this letter to warn you concerning hiring a part of Mr B’s farm. The time now is ripe for the Amachanu tribe to act vigorously to show all the conservative Boers our concern about our ancestors’ land which was taken from them forcefully by your nation. We know that you are dealing with livestock to make profit out of them and be able to support your family. Think about the people of B’s farm and their livestock. They are still oppressed. We feel that you are part of oppression, but don’t be fooled by Mr B. Go away otherwise you will lose….
I’m telling you all your livestock is going to vanish like dew during sunrise. If you listen to that dead living man Z, if the land is under black Z will be the victim of all Mdubuzweni people due to his evil deeds. He has treated his people like animals. He has dehumanised all of them threatening to practice his magic over them Mr L, not because they are afraid of him. He is under your armpits just because he is your spy.
12. The other categories were: “black spots” and homeland consolidation (614,000); urban areas (730,000); informal settlements (112,000); Group Area relocations (860,400); infrastructural and strategic developments (103,500). Platzky and Walker, The Surplus People, p.10 and pp.372-3. At the time the book was published, in 1985, government policy still threatened a further two million people with removal.
13. One study found that between 1951 and 1980, the absolute number of black people living in rural areas outside the reserves grew by two million. Aninka Claassens, “Rural Land Struggles in the Transvaal in the 1980s,” in Murray and O’Regan (eds.), No Place to Rest, p.44, citing C. Simkins, Four Essays on the Past, Present and Possible Future of the Distribution of the Black Population of South Africa (Cape Town: SALDRU, 1983).
24. Commission on Restitution of Land Rights, Annual Report (April 1999-March 2000), p.4. This deadline was extended from April 30, 1998 to allow for the filing of claims in the wake of an awareness campaign.
Landclaims, under CPA or Trustland legislations, belong now (after 1994) to those peoples, all separate from each other, and it is only communal landareas.
45. In August 1999, the Pretoria High Court ruled that the Extension of Security of Tenure Act could not be read as implying a right to bury the bodies of those who had lived on land they did not own, even if they were residing there legally. “High Court refuses woman right to bury son on farm,” SAPA, August 31, 1999; Bührmann vs. Nkosi and Another, 2000 (1) SA 1145 (T);  4 All SA 337 (T). See also the judgment of the Land Claims Court in Serole and another vs. Pienaar LCC 9/99 (February 5, 1999). Both farm residents and farm owners see the right to bury the dead as symbolizing a connection with the land, and hence the issue has achieved a significance that is political as well as emotional: where permission might previously have been granted, farmers are now reluctant to concede this right.
47. Extension of Security of Tenure Act 1997, section 10(2). Both magistrates courts and the Land Claims Court have jurisdiction over the act.