Various “leaders” are looking for the “rainbow” in South Africa – because there is no rainbow nation in South Africa. We are all different peoples, each with their own history, culture, traditions, language, ethnic groupsings and identity. Respect that.
Mandela’s rainbow nation has gone from hero to zero. Can it reclaim his legacy? – 2016
The award was given for “an excellent contribution to the fight against the injustices of apartheid, and unwavering support for the South African liberation movement”. But the sad truth is that Nelson Mandela’s rainbow nation has, in just 22 years, gone from hero to zero.
VALS PRETENSIES EN ONWAARHEDE IS VERKONDIG OOR DIE MULTI-KULTURE AS EEN IN EEN VERENIGDE “DEMOKRATIESE LAND”
FALSE FLAGS — BLAME GAME AND MUSICAL CHAIRS
A MULTI-CULTURE FAILED
F W DE KLERK
In 2015 skryf De Klerk op sy webtuiste: Wat het gebeur met die versoenende reënboognasie van Mandela, De Klerk en Tutu? – NIKS, want daar was ‘n vals masker voorgehou, wat nooit bestaan het nie en nooit sal wees ne. Een van die paar persone in beheer van die Kodesa onderhandelinge, het die woordjie geskep, of was daar 3 of meer teenwoordig, skep wette vir etniese swartes (Zoeloe en Ingonyama) om apart te bedryf net soos tydens die Shepstone beleid van 1854 met die Britte. Trustgebiede wat na 1994 gevorm het, kan nie eers vergelyk word met die Tuislande wat daar was voor nie, omdat 10 verskillende etniese volke, op pad was om volle onafhanklikheid te verkry.
THABO MBEKI – 1998
Thabo Mbeki explained his viewpoint about the so-called rainbow nation and false flag situation in South Africa.
Toe Mbeki op die ANC se nasionale konferensie in 1998 eenstemmig as die party se president verkies is, het hy aan afgevaardigdes op die vergadering gesê die reënboog is ‘n vals metafoor wat deur ‘n gees van vals optimisme omgeef is.
“Mens kan nie versoening tussen swartes en wittes bewerkstellig in ‘n situasie waar armoede en voorspoed steeds op grond van ras bepaal word nie,” het Mbeki die volgende jaar kort ná sy inhuldiging gesê.
Wat Mbeki geïmpliseer het, het sinvol geklink vir baie wat nog uitgelaat was, vir wie die reënboogmetafoor ‘n goedvoel-samelewing beteken het wat nie bereid is om aan die onaangename werklikhede van ongelykheid en rasoorheersing aandag te gee nie. Om die metafoor uit te brei: dit is moontlik dat die gevolg van vrees vir onstabiliteit en onsekerheid in 1994 ‘n skynreënboog was wat ‘n doelwitgebrek geskep en onvermydelik die verharding van houdings teenoor Mbeki se bestuur uitgestel het.
Om dit in perspektief te stel: vanaf die oomblik van sy inhuldiging het Mandela dit sy persoonlike missie gemaak om nuwe rasse-samehorigheid te skep en die wit minderheid voortdurend van hul welstand onder ‘n meerderheidsregering te verseker en te beklemtoon hoe belangrik die reënboognasie is.
At the opening of the debate on “reconciliation and nation building” in the national assembly in May 1998, Thabo Mbeki, then South Africa’s deputy president, made a series of statements that were carefully designed to shatter the country’s Rainbow Nation dream. One of those statements, delivered about half-way through the speech, went like this: “We are neither impressed nor moved by self-serving arguments which seek to suggest that four or five years are long enough to remove from our national life the inheritance of a country of two nations which is as old as the arrival of European colonists in our country, almost 350 years ago.”
At the time, while white South Africa reeled at the potential implications, opposition parties were primarily concerned with Mbeki’s bleak conclusion that “neither were we becoming one nation”. The words and the reaction to them were perhaps the first big sign that the Mandela “miracle” years weren’t going to last past the inaugural administration; underneath the forgiveness and the flag-waving were certain structural truths that would have to be addressed.
THE SOCALLED RAINBOW NATION WITH NO HUMAN RIGHTS OF MINORITIES?
Praat agter de Klerk aan:
2017 – DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE AND HIS “RAINBOW NATION” – HE DISCRIMINATE AGAINST THE WHITES, BUT THEY ARE “PART” OF HIS RAINBOW
2015 – ZUMA AND HIS RAINBOW NATION – ‘We welcomed you with both hands’ – President assures Afrikaners – but sings to kill the whites with his AK – and he and the EFF are the same
Mangosuthu Buthelezi’s Online Letter
My dear friends and fellow South Africans,
“Don’t stop thinking about tomorrow” is the title of Fleetwood Mac’s famous hit. It seems that we South African’s “don’t stop thinking about yesterday” either. This is not a bad thing because yesterday’s lessons shine a path to the future. Last month, September we celebrated Heritage month, but, of course, we should celebrate our heritage on a daily basis. It does depress me how we, as a nation, kind of compartmentalise ‘themes of living’ into time-grids .i.e. Heritage Month, rather than be constantly renewed by their life-giving power.
Our beloved South Africa, if anyone had not noticed, is a curious mix of peoples, cultures and attitudes. Three and a half centuries of conflict, often bloody, have prompted a society scarred by the traumatic past and lopsided in development. The same period, let us not forget, was also a time of extraordinary fusion: cross-cultural, linguistic and even personal, which has created today’s melting pot of the brave Afrikaners, confident English speakers, enterprising Indians, unique coloureds and forbearing blacks who catalogue their old wounds with an air of pride.
Undoubtedly, South Africa owes most of its current success – and woes – to the period of intensive colonisation. Unlike elsewhere in Africa, the European settlers, both Dutch and British, were determined to become a permanent fixture in Southern Africa. To their credit, they developed previously unimaginable infrastructure and brought unprecedented material benefits. Christianity – and along with it Protestant ethic – was another precious gift to Africa. To their shame, the colonisers enforced equally unimagined injustices by imposing on our ancestors an alien social order in which they occupied a subordinate position. Our forefathers had to make some difficult and humiliating adjustments to the colonial rule. The transfer from green pastures to squalid urban hostels caused irreparable damage to the traditional ways of life. At the same time, it spurred on in the African people previously untapped energy, ebullience and adaptability.
Heritage is, as most things are, a mixed story of human triumph and failure.
Our heritage and ideals, our moral code and standards – the values we live by and pass onto our children – are magnified or diminished by how freely we exchange ideas and feelings. So, when we reflect upon heritage, we sing freedom’s song. In the stirring words of Abraham Lincoln: “Our defence is in the preservation of the spirit which prizes liberty as a heritage of all men, in all lands, everywhere. Destroy this spirit and you have planted the seeds of despotism around your own doors”.
I, of course, speak for my heritage. Following the post-Anglo-Zulu War partition of the Zulu Kingdom and the 1913 Land Act, which deprived the majority of Zulus of their ancestral land, my nation desperately needed change. But was it to be revolutionary or evolutionary change?
How was a young aspiring Zulu politician, like me, to help transform living conditions and restore national dignity without eroding traditional values? I wished to see my nation prosper and coexist peacefully with other peoples. This is my heritage!
At the same time, I did not wish to see the resentment of the colonial era based on race transformed into envy fuelled by material advancement of the few at the expense of many. I viewed my people, the Zulus, as individuals and members of strong self-reliant communities, not as political troops in a class struggle. This is my heritage!
We are also mindful that there is insufficient regard for South Africa’s diverse linguistic and cultural heritage which traces its roots to the Dutch and British immigrants – white Africans – who first graced the shores of the Cape hundreds of years ago. The legacy of the Van der Merwes and the Mulders is my heritage, too! With this thought in mind, I would like to recall an anecdote of what happened when I attended the national celebration of Women’s Day in Vryheid in the Zululand District last month. I was invited by the Honourable Minister of Women, Youth, Children and People with Disabilities, Mrs Noluthando Mayende-Sibiya, jointly with the Premier of KwaZulu Natal, the Honourable Dr Zweli Mkhize. The Guest of Honour and Guest Speaker was His Excellency Mr J.G. Zuma, President of the Republic.
This event starkly confronted me with the question of whether we are truly the Rainbow Nation that we market ourselves to be. I am not going to raise the argument about whether the notion of a Rainbow Nation is right or not. I wish we were a Rainbow Nation, but my own view is that we are, rather, a great nation because of our dazzling multi-cultural nation: one that is more comparable to a delectable bowl of salad!
We are rich because we are all Africans in the sense which was so elegantly stated by His Excellency President Thabo Mbeki in his memorable evocation “I am an African!” We are rich because of our diverse cultures. We own all these cultures as our own, whether we are Africans of different ethnic groups, or English or Afrikaans, or Coloured or Indian. And yet, in all the last fifteen years, I have attended all these functions – so-called national events – I have been struck by the fact that not one of them has been representative of all our people. Only Africans attended the function in Vryheid, for example. Less than ten whites were present. I saw two Indians, who were officials. There was not a single coloured present.
So, I asked myself, “Where is this Rainbow Nation?” Is it the fault of us, the African majority? Maybe we have not opened our arms wide enough to embrace the other race groups, particularly minorities. I do not know. I am groping around in the dark searching for the answer. It could be that the minority groups, so far, have not accepted that we are one nation. It could be that they simply do not feel safe in the midst of the majority. We look in a mirror dimly, but after fifteen years, we must come face to face with this brutal question.
So I boldly assert the truth that the best way to build a united South Africa is by cherishing and respecting all its constituent parts. Yes, South Africa is one country and it is building one nation, but its future will only be secured if all its constituent traditions are respected. One way to approach the process of building an authentic national consensus is with an open mind and with honesty.
The case for freedom, the case for our constitutional principles, the case for our heritage has to be made anew in each generation. The work of freedom is never done! We are also mindful that South Africa should be free to recognise our diverse religious heritage, and doing that is not the same as creating a government-sponsored religion. Our diversity is also reflected in the glory of creation. It is written in the narrative, too, of South Africa’s ecology. As we approach the Climate Conference in Copenhagen, we are mindful, as custodians of this fragile land that is the honour that you take with you, but the heritage you leave behind.
Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi, MP
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