Wie probeer wie eintlik bluf met die regstellende aksie, swart bemagtiging, onteiening en al die wetgewings wat ingestel is slegs teen die minderheidsvolk Boere, Afrikaners – dus alle blankes sodat hulle hulself (veral die elites) kan bevoordeel. Selfs die middelklas is op alle (3) vlakke van regering en staatsbeheerde organisasies en “besighede”. Ondersoek self hoeveel swart bemagtigers/regstellendes is en was na 26 jaar suksesvol – lees op oor al die oudits van munisipaliteite, staatshospitale, staatsdepartement en ook staatsbeheerde organisasies soos Eskom, SAL, en ander en sien hoe het alles tot niet gegaan in 26 jaar.
Dit is die eindpunt – algehele beplanning om die totale ekonomie in duie te laat stort. #bolsjevisme #bolshevism – Ramaphosa in beheer van die kommissie van B-BBEE en EE – na 1994. Vir hoe lankword daar al voorgehou hoe hulle in die sogenaamde “apartheid” tenagekom is, terwyl die werklikheid en geskiedenis anders bewys. Baie duidelik is daar vals vlaggies wat hoog wapper hieroor.
Was dit regtig so voordelig die afgelope 26 jaar, as daar na die onderskeie jare se “ondersoeke” gedoen is, gekyk word, wil dit nie so voorkom nie : al het hulle hoeveel inkomstes, sal hulle steeds weens die swak “regstellende aksies” verewig agtergeblewes bly en volgens hul leiers sal die “aanwas van oor ons grense – immigrante” altyd met ons wees. Besluit maar self en lees gerus verder.
Slegs die middelklas word hier genoem waar daar melding gemaak is van die groot groei in die middelklas swarte, en redes word aangevoer as swart bemagtiging en regstellende aksie. Daar word nie na die “elites” gekyk wat bevoordeel word deur B-BBEE en EE wetgewing nie, word ook nie van korrupsie, tenders en ander kapings melding gemaak op die stadium nie. Die miljoeners en biljoeners is ook nie ter sprake nie en hoe hulle miljoeners/biljoeners geword het in 26 jaar nie. Heelwat swartes kom uit die ou regime uit.
Slegs op hierdie aantal “middelklas” kan ‘n “gesin van 4-6” uitgewerk word hoeveel daar in die klas bereken (kan) word.
South Africa’s black middle class has doubled in last decade
Recently released studies by the University of Cape Town’s Unilever Institute of Strategic Marketing found that South Africa’s black middle class population had grown to 4.2-million.
This increase from the 1.7-million in 2004 goes hand in hand with increased spending power. The black middle class spends R400-billion annually, far more than the R323-billion spent by the historically wealthier white middle class.
Daar is ook ander politieke oogmerke oor die politieke partye en die middelklas “teenwoordigheid”. Lees meer op oor die opinie daaroor.
The one thing that is changing that is killing the ANC is the individuals inside. There literally is a clique, if you belong to this clique within the party, you will be all right and if you are against any of their ideas, you are pushed to the side.
To support the creation of the black middle class, the ANC expressed, in a series of policy documents beginning with the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) in 1994, its signal for the accession of black South Africans to economic power.
It focused on growth, development, reconstruction and development in a consistent macroeconomic framework, using the Keynesian paradigm of government expenditure-related growth policies. Under this programme, free health care was implemented for pregnant women and small children, and free meals provided for between 3.5 million and 5 million school children. The RDP aimed to achieve an annual GDP growth rate of 5% and create 300 000 to 500 000 jobs a year.
The introduction of the macroeconomic policy framework called the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (Gear) strategy in 1996 was met with major criticism from leftist economists. Gear’s target was to achieve an annual GDP growth rate of 6% and the creation of 400 000 jobs a year by the year 2000.
“Gear’s slash-and-burn fiscal policies, that included deep cuts to capital spending and sky-high interest rates, depressed the economy. There were deep cuts in public sector capital spending,” he says. This led to a massive increase in unemployment between 1995 and 2003. The number of unemployed people more than doubled to 4.6 million people, an increase of 2.6 million, from 17% to 28% while the ranks of the unemployed more than doubled to 8.3 million, an increase of 4.3 million, from 29% to 42%.
The black middle class more than doubled in size from 2.2 million in 1993 to 5.4 million in 2008. But does it produce a better educated and trained workforce and factors that are essential ingredients for economic development and growth.
UCT professor and director of the Democracy in Africa Research Unit, Robert Mattes, writes that the growth of the black middle class was driven by legislative changes regarding education, employment equity (affirmative action) and black economic empowerment.
“I am a product of the policies; a beneficiary of attending no-fee schools; receiving a government-linked scholarship for university study and getting employed partly through affirmative action and employment equity. The polices have enabled me to become educated, be an employed citizen and have the opportunity to have a quality life,” he says. “Policies that helped to lift me more than 15 years ago are not enough to support young people in an environment that is now more competitive,” he says.
It was mentioned that a 28-year-old’s starting salary was too small to support himself and his family, but, by 2018, his monthly net income after tax was R26 000. This, together with the freelance jobs he takes on, earns him at least R38 000 a month.
Former director of the UCT Unilever Institute of Strategic Marketing, Emeritus Professor John Simpson, defines middle class South Africans as those earning between $1 550 (R21 000) and $4 800 (R67 500) per month.
Maluleka was three years old in 1994. He and his elder brother were raised by both his working-class parents in Dobsonville, Soweto.
“My mother worked in retail as a sales consultant for Stuttafords while pursuing a degree in radiology. My father worked for Telkom as a technician for fixed line services,” he says.
Simpson adds that several factors helped to swell the ranks of South Africa’s black middle class, including credit availability, education, the government’s Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) programme and general economic growth, which led to more job creation.
The 1998 Employment Equity Act required employers to develop and implement plans to achieve racial equity in the workplace. Government efforts to build a black middle class required affirmative action in public service hiring, and in the private sector by setting demographic employment benchmarks, targets and time frames.
Government also required successful bidders for state contracts to achieve minimum black economic empowerment scores. The BEE policies, together with economic policies, were created to solidify the creation and sustainability of the black middle class.
The African National Congress’ 2018 January 8th statement included a line that the black middle class had grown from 1.7 to 6 million in the previous five years. (Note: President Cyril Ramaphosa skipped over this part when he delivered the speech.)
In 2017, the New York Times presented two different claims – in the same article – about the black middle class in South Africa, saying it doubled between 1998-2008 and “more than doubled” between 2004-2013.
Credit Suisse. The financial services company Credit Suisse employs this approach in their Global Wealth Report. It determines the global middle-class to be that group of people whose net worth is between US$10,000-US$100,000 (approximately R119,500-R1,195,000 currently).
While Credit Suisse does not reveal the data sources used to estimate people’s net worth (only saying it comes “from sources believed to be reliable”), it estimated the size of South Africa’s middle-class at 28.5% of the population in 2017. (Note: Credit Suisse did not provide a breakdown by race.)
African Development Bank. The African Development Bank also suggests a global middle-class, though in their study of the middle class in Africa the calculation is based on daily consumption rather than net worth.
The bank counted people as middle class when they consumed between US$2-US$20 (approximately R24-R240) per day in 2011. (Note: Like Credit Suisse, the bank also did not make its data sources public.)
By this measure, a rather impressive 43.2% of South Africans were middle class.
The bank did distinguish between a floating class (consumption between US$2-US$4), lower middle class (US$4-US$10) and upper middle class (US$10-US$20), but all were grouped as middle-class in this study. Without the floating class, South Africa’s middle class comprised 19.8% of the population. (Note: The bank also did not provide a breakdown by race.)
The major drawback of these methods is that universal income or wealth ranges are crude at best. They do not take into account the cost of living or other country- or region-specific differences, so what buys a middle-class lifestyle in one place may not do so in another.
A net worth of R119,500 is arguably categorically different from a net worth of R1,195,000. A daily consumption rate of R24 per day equates to R720 per month; R240 per day equates to R7,200.
In this factsheet alone, the South African middle class has varied from 13.5% to 43.2%, and the share of black South Africans forming part of it between 48% and 83.9%.
The rise of the black middle class in South Africa has been heralded by many as a blessing. This, they argue, is ‘an engine of the South African economy’ because of its strong purchasing power and contribution to the nationa l coffers through taxes. Others, such as Steven Friedman, warn of a looming danger.
Statistics South Africa uses indicators that would increase the size of the middle class even more: access to formal housing, electricity, indoor plumbing, a phone and the use of gas or electricity as a main cooking source.
Too often in discussions the middle class is synonymous with both the affluent and the very affluent. One such example is the well-known study of Black Diamonds by the UCT Unilever Institute of Strategic Marketing, which describes the emergence of the black middle class – which includes the top-earning black people – in post-Apartheid South Africa.
With these changes SA saw for the first time an exponential growth in the black middle class from 1,7 million in 2004 to the current (2013) 4,2 million. Although this change has been recorded as positive by many it has nevertheless been accompanied by growing inequalities with South Africa’s gini coefficient, ‘increasing from 0.64 in 1995 to 0.72 in 2005’.
A UCT study classified South Africa’s middle class as households earning between R15 000 and R50 000, with their own transport, a tertiary education, employment in a white-collar job and owning their home or spending more than R4 000 a month on rent.