Blanke aanvalle en moorde – swartes

Diliza Mthembu told the commission’s special hearing on prisons in Johannesburg that he was tortured and beaten during his four and a half years’ imprisonment, often for no reason.  “Prisons in Africa were very horrible. The conditions were bad,” he said. He developed asthma and high blood pressure as a result of his imprisonment in various prisons in Angola.He said he was an ANC chief-of-staff and the commander of a training camp called Caxito in Angola, as well as the ANC’s representative in Benguela province in the 1970s.

His father, Abel Patrick Mthembu, a founding MK member and deputy leader of the ANC in then Transvaal, was killed by the ANC in 1978 when it was alleged he had betrayed the organisation. This was always used against him, he said.  When he was in Katenga, Angola in 1977 he was told his father had “sold the movement to the enemy”.  In March 1978, a M Piliso had told him his father should be killed.

“He even tried to recruit me to go and to kill my father. Within a week I heard on (the ANC’s Radio Freedom) that my father had been killed.”  He said his own difficulties began with the ANC leadership when the two vehicles he had in his camp where ordered back to Luanda in 1982.  He refused as the two Land Crusiers were the only transport his camp had.  A few days later Angolan police and an ANC official arrived at the camp and he was jailed in a transit camp before being taken to Luanda, where he was locked in a cargo container for 28 days, without ventilation and often without food and water. He and a few other prsioners were let out once a day to go to the toilet.

He was then taken, via other camps, to Quatro.
Mthembu, now a staff sergeant in the SA National Defence Force, said he was accused of attempting to overthrow the ANC leadership.   During his time in Quatro he was beaten with sticks and tortured with electrodes attached to his body. He and other prisoners were also forced to pull a heavy water tanker.  “Twice I was forced at gunpoint to propose love to a tree and make love to it.”

He was also forced to climb a tree full of wasps, lie naked on an ant-covered piece of ground, and chop down a tree in which bees had built a hive.  When a fellow prisoner went to the camp’s hospital, he came back and described it as hell. The man was asked if he drank tea or coffee and when he replied coffee, he was then beaten with a “coffee stick”.  Mthembu said the food was not healthy, and often prisoners were forced to go without meals. Some prisoners died because of malnutrition, he said.

“Torture was a daily thing. Torture used to take place even at the hospital. There was no escape even when you were sick.”    He said conditions changed after the 1985 ANC conference, brought about by a mutiny at Quatro over poor conditions at the camp.   Inmates were given new uniforms, food and sleeping conditions were improved and windows were built into cell walls. But, the “beatings never stopped”.   Mthembu was released from Quatro in 1988.He travelled to Tanzania, where he was arrested and then released. He went to Malawi in 1990 where he was also arrested and detained for four months. He returned to South Africa in May 1990 and was arrested again and held at the Kimberley police station for three weeks.

http://www.justice.gov.za/trc/media%5C1997%5C9707/s970722f.htm

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The TRC has found that torture and executions occurred in ANC camps in exile. Some of those targeted were killed as a result of bad leadership, jealousies and paranoia, writes Charlene Smith.   Chris Hani was once sentenced to death by Umkhonto weSizwe’s (MK) high command in Tanzania for putting forward the grievances of MK cadres.

In the mid-1960s, recruits had complained about camp conditions and wanted to fight. MK high command, in the form of Joe Modise and Joe Matthews, sentenced Hani to death for plotting a mutiny.  The African National Congress president Oliver Tambo stopped the execution.   Minister of Defence Joe Modise today refuses to comment on the issue.

ANC guerrillas later became involved with Zimbabwean freedom fighters, taking part in the Wankie Campaign of 1967.

But after 1980, many guerrillas -the Luthuli, June 16 and Moncada detachments – refused to return to the Angolan camps. Others began protesting at being held in poor conditions, rather than being permitted to fight.   The ANC leadership said this discontent was evidence that a spy ring was intent on replacing the leadership with South African security branch plants. The security arm began a witchhunt during which many were detained and tortured.   At one stage almost half of the people at the organisation’s Quibaxe camp in Angola were suspected of being involved in the plot.

The ANC’s security organ had became far tougher since the post-1976 cadres had returned from training by the notorious East German Stasi. They became known as Mbokodo (the grinding rock) or “The Panelbeaters” by those in exile.   By early 1979, work had begun on a camp 230km east of Luanda that for a decade would be a place where ANC cadres accused of spying would be terrorised. Named the Morris Seabelo Rehabilitation Centre, or Camp 32, it was better known as Quatro.

The camp’s first commander, 19-year- old Mtunzi Gabriel “Sizwe” Mthembu, was a graduate of Stasi training. Today a senior official at the National Intelligence Agency, he was prepared to be interviewed, but his superiors forbade it.   In a Truth and Reconciliation Commission Section 29 hearing, Mthembu said: “It’s difficult to describe the conditions we were exposed to. The conditions were extreme, in a word I would say inhuman, because of deprivation … most of us were affected and are still affected.”

Mthembu admitted: “We had people who committed acts of indiscipline – very serious cases. We had comrades who abused their positions. Others ran away with murder. They were not punished, so we did not have a watertight system of dealing with these people.”   Atrocities at Quatro included pouring boiling water on men’s heads until they burst or dripping burning plastic on their backs. Others were left in their own urine and faeces in tiny cells.   While some detainees were spies, others had committed offences like smoking marijuana, “stealing Angolan peasants’ bananas” or having accidents in vehicles. Some had spoken out of turn, or posed a threat to others’ leadership ambitions. Minister of Transport Mac Maharaj told the truth commission “there were people who were executed without as much as a hearing, let alone a legal one”.

One such victim was Ephraim Nkondo, brother of United Democratic Front activist Curtis Nkondo, who was last seen dragged through Quatro with a rope around his neck in 1984. He had not been afraid to criticise the leadership, particularly Modise and security boss Mzwai Piliso.  It was a flaw that was to see Timothy Kgotsiele Seremane (known as Kenneth Mahamba) executed.    Born in Bekkersdal in 1952, Seremane was the youngest of six brothers. Two sisters followed. His eldest brother Joe – now chief land claims commissioner – joined the ANC at a young age and was arrested in 1962 and sent to Robben Island.    His sister Mabatho recalls: “I was in standard one when they took him. The house was surrounded by police. It was frightening. Because of Joe I don’t think it would occur to Timothy to be a spy. We used to hate cops …”

As a camp commander, Timothy Seremane’s behaviour was often unorthodox. “He didn’t use drivers like other camp commanders, and sometimes wrecked cars,” said Andrew Masondo, the ANC’s national commissar in Angola, whose son served under Seremane at Pango.   A former Quatro inmate, who asked not to be named, said Seremane “was a bit like a hippy, he was unconventional. He was a very strict camp commander, and was not popular with all his men.”   In May last year, the ANC submitted to the truth commission that Seremane had been implicated in beating to death an attempted escapee. Then in its October submission it mentioned only an alleged theft of weapons. But in March and April this year, neither Mthembu nor Masondo mentioned this theft at the Section 29 hearings.

In its October submission the ANC claimed that, before Seremane’s “infiltration” into the ANC, he was told by the security police “to maintain a high level of discipline, secrecy and care when collecting information”.    And remarkably, it said he was instructed “to deny any involvement in political activity at home [and] was to avoid detailing his family background to the ANC”.   Interviewed for this piece, ANC past and present intelligence officers, former South African security branch and a former senior CIA operatives all found it unbelievable that Seremane would have been instructed to avoid mentioning his family’s ANC credentials.    General Herman Stadler, former head of security branch intelligence, claimed no knowledge of Seremane. “A person like that would have been ideal. We would have encouraged him to talk about that sort of background.”

If the ANC had researched Seremane’s past, they would have found that although a brilliant student with leadership qualities, he was expelled from three schools for wild behaviour.    He completed school in Hammanskraal. Here too ANC information was wrong. They said he completed school and was recruited in Mafikeng, 300km away.   In 1976 he went into exile via Botswana. He trained in the former Soviet Union and East Germany and became camp commander of Quibaxe, a transit camp holding around 200 cadres.    One of the fastest-rising stars, he succeeded Thami Zulu as commander of Pango, one of the most important camps, with an average of 400 to 500 cadres.

During the camp protests of 1980 and 1981, the leadership was caught off guard. Having held its last consultative conference in 1969, the new cadres were demanding another conference and open elections.    A paper, A Miscarriage of Democracy: The ANC Security Department, published in the London-based Trotskyist publication Southlight, states the leadership began trumpeting the existence of a spy network. Paranoia and repression set in.    “Most of those arrested were known critics of the ANC leadership and were labelled anti-authority. During the whole period of investigation they were tied to trees and slept there.

“In Camalundi camp in Malanje province, Oupa Moloi, head of the political department, lost his life during the first day of interrogation. Zulu, who was the camp commander, … threatened to kill more of these culprits who, swollen and in excruciating pain, were lined up in front of the detachment.”     As a test for Seremane, Masondo took an ambulance to his camp and forbade him to drive it. Seremane did, and was involved in an accident. He was summoned to Quatro. His weapons were removed by Mthembu, who said he had been implicated as a spy by a cadre whom Seremane had apparently beaten up and himself accused of spying.     Gordon Moshoeu, who was also accused in the 1981 “plot”, and William Mashotana – now a South African National Defence Force major – were taken to Seremane’s cell and confronted with him. This was a technique to force confessions once cadres had seen the condition of their comrades.

Moshoeu said Seremane was unrecognisable. “We could only recognise him by his voice.”    Moshoeu denies the existence of a spy ring. An embittered Mashotana refused to be interviewed without an assurance from either Modise or his deputy Ronnie Kasrils that he would not be victimised. Both declined repeated requests to give this assurance.   The ANC’s official roll of deaths in exile states Seremane was executed in 1981, but Mthembu says 1982. He was taken into a ravine behind Quatro and shot, at the behest of Masondo, on the recommendation of Mthembu. His crimes: driving cars badly, going out drinking, beating up cadres and speaking his mind.    Joe Seremane only found out about the fate of his brother last year, when he asked the ANC two simple questions: “Why was Timothy executed? Will the ANC facilitate the return of my brother’s bones?”

Receiving no response, he approached the truth commission. Commissioners and researchers admit his quest caused anxiety and division. An investigator recalled: “No one wanted to take on the ANC.”    The ANC has initiated four commissions of inquiry into abuses in camps, but has not spoken openly about torture and abuses in its camps. The ANC was a signatory to the Geneva Convention, which specifically excludes the torture and execution of prisoners.    In December, the SABC’s Issues of Faith will screen a documentary on the quest of Joe Seremane. During the making of the film, requests for interviews with Mthembu were turned down by his superior, Joe Nhlanhla – even though Mthembu was willing to speak.

Modise, Kasrils and the Reverend Frank Chikane all turned down interview requests. The offices of President Nelson Mandela and Deputy President Thabo Mbeki failed to respond.     Seremane experienced pressure at work from Cabinet ministers and colleagues. He told the truth commission it would be “blood money” if he put his job before his family.     Mail disappeared from film-maker Kevin Harris’s postbox, telephones were tapped and hackers destroyed files in Harris’s computer.   A former Quatro inmate says: “Even today we live in fear. Since 1980, 57 former Mbokodo have been assassinated and seven former Quatro inmates – who is killing them? We believe they are being killed because of what they know about those who are in power now. Quatro left a dark shadow that has not retreated.

The execution of a camp commander

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Sequence from the documentary by Kevin Harris, titled “Unfinished Business” dealing with the search by Joe Seremane for the truth about his brother Chief’s torture & execution at ANC detention centre, Quatro Camp, Angola.

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I take a visit to a former exiles’ camp in Tanzania’s Morogoro (Dakawa) where I first witnessed Mandelasque Xhosa tribalism back in 1985, leadership by Jacob Zuma’s Moreti Johannes Motau then.

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BISHO 1992 ATTACKS AND VIOLENCE

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1993 CAPE TOWN

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The EFF has been slammed for its comments about race – but the party is fighting back. Recently EFF leader, Julius Malema, said that the majority of Indians ‘hate Africans’ and are ‘racists.’ He said the same thing applied to some of the what he called coloured brothers who saw themselves as more white than black. Earlier this month EFF chief whip Floyd Shivambu objected to the frequent appearance of Treasury official Ismail Momoniat at parliament’s finance committee meetings. He said this undermined African representatives. Now the party’s National Chairperson, Dali Mpofu, has written what he calls a response to the mob psychologists. He says that thought leaders and journalists have distorted what should be a necessary discourse on race relations in South Africa.

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NO farmer – no food

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South Africa’s Farm Murders: Jeanine’s Story

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2017 –

White Farmers In South Africa Are Being Tortured And Killed  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EELlVID5LGo

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**2018

11 FARM ATTACKS in 100 HOURS | SOUTH AFRICA descending into CHAOS

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Katie Hopkins of TheRebel.media addressed the decline of freedom around the world in a speech to the Horowitz Freedom Center, Los Angeles, on March 27, 2018.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XODc6tlh-Q0&t=38s

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Double racism and killings – Renaldo

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Widow: South Africa ANC President LIES: “No Killings of White Farmers”
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=exBupnKq8QU

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April 2018

Debate has been raging about whether white South African farmers deserve special attention under Australia’s humanitarian visa program. Like many issues in Australia, it is split along partisan lines. Conservatives highlight horrendous violence suffered by farmers and say they would integrate well in Australia while progressives say the motivation is more about race. According to police figures, 71 people were murdered on South African farms in the year to March 2017, but farmers say that figure does not reflect the full extent of the violence.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QlSiMZ34-z4&t=238s

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Phillip Henning gesels oor die grusame dubbele plaasmoord op ‘n boere-egpaar van Trompsburg. Hy is ‘n dag voor sy verjaardag in 2007 ook in dié distrik op sy plaas aangeval  – farm attack in Trompsburg

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Farm Attackers at Hazyview on Video. Reality of #FarmAttacks and #FarmMurders in South Africa where Where Farmers are murdered by Terrorists. This all while politicians like Nelson Mandela, Jacob Zuma and Julius Malema sing songs like “Kill the Boer – Kill the Farmer.

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WHITE POVERTY

White poverty – due to black empowerment – B-BBEE legislation

Trevor visits a Squatter Camp in Munsieville where white families, once protected by the economics of Apartheid, are now struggling to make ends meet.

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UNION visited some of South Africa’s poor working class Boers and conservative Afrikaners living in the countries many illegal White Squatter Camps.

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Krugersdorp
There is much poverty in the camp. Plastic liners form tents. There are some small makeshift houses or caravans, windows taped together with brown tape to attempt to keep out the rain and cold. Residents continue the struggle to stay clean by washing clothing as often as possible. One shack had a fire burning outside to try to warm water for a wash, in the bitterly cold winter weather.