Alhoewel daar menings is dat Trump nie ingemeng het nie, dink ek ook dit is nie die geval nie. Die blote aanvra vir ondersoeke na moord en grondonteiening is basiese begrippe oor moorde wat plaasvind en onteiening wat sal gebeur sonder vergoeding.
Wanneer daar na die internasionale reg gekyk word, het enige leiers wat daar verteenwoordig is, daardie reg om vrae te vra oor ‘n ander land wat moorde pleeg. Die ANC ontken dan die moorde en misdaad, hulle ontken rassisme en diskriminasie wat HULLE teenoor ons pleeg. En hulle is op VN verteenwoordig. Daar was al heelwat sulke internasionale aksies wat ondersoek is en waar moorde gepleeg is wat ander lande versoek het om ondersoek te word. Daarom was daar ook ‘n “prevention of genocide” besluit by die VN, omdat meerderhede die minderhede in hul lande martel en vermoor.
Me May van Brittanje het onmiddellik reageer en Ramaphosa ondersteun – nou DIT is blatante inmenging om dit aan te hits om die grondwet te wysig. Watter reg het Brittanje om dit 100% te steun? Daar word al verskeie jare bewusmaking gedoen vir moorde, slagoffers wat gemartel word en doodgekap of geskiet word. Ons is ook ‘n minderheidsvolk, en as daar mense na Trump toe gegaan het vir hulp, is dit ook ons reg om te gaan. Heelwat van ons volkslede het dan al in die EU lande gaan voorleggings hou – dus, wat is verkeerd as die President van Amerika die onersoeke aanvra? Hy skryf nie voor aan Suid-Afrika deur so iets te vra nie.
so-called “FAKE NEWS” of farm killings and expropriation
Ramaphosa reageer oor die twitter
May in South Africa and Ramaphosa
FARM KILLINGS IN SOUTH AFRICA – HERE IS ONLY A FEW
Piero San Giorgio – people tortured and killed
Farmer murdered in South Africa
FARM KILLING AND TORTURES
Plaasmoorde en Aanvalle in SA
Zetler / and various others attacked by terrorists
Various tortures and killings on farms
On February 21, 2018, six UN experts called for the release of Tibetan language rights advocate Tashi Wangchuk, who awaits sentencing on baseless charges of “inciting separatism.” The Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy reported that, in January, veteran dissident Tsegon Gyal was sentenced to three years in prison, also for “inciting separatism,” charges that the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention last year said had “no legal basis.” These cases fit a larger pattern of arbitrary and incommunicado detention, followed by closed trials resulting in long sentences, Human Rights Watch said.
One of the few remaining sources are reports that appear in Tibetan exile media when prisoners are released. While such reports appear years after the arrests that led to imprisonment, they set forth basic facts about the cases, and thus provide a basis for identifying trends. The analysis that follows is based on Human Rights Watch review of such reports since 2016. These 30 cases are consistent with the patterns of a 2016 Human Rights Watch report on patterns of detentions and prosecutions in Tibet.
What is going on in Tibet next to China
RAMAPHOSA AND TRUMP
U.S. President Donald Trump may have hoped he could rattle Pretoria with his baseless accusation – and hint at retribution – that white South African farmers are being murdered en masse and their land illegally confiscated.
If so, he miscalculated.
President Cyril Ramaphosa’s government has pushed back strongly against what it sees as a characteristic attempt by a Western power to interfere in an African country’s internal affairs.
Pretoria has vowed to press on with plans to redress historical land ownership imbalances skewed in favour of whites.
In a recent tweet, Trump said he had asked his secretary of state to “closely study the South Africa land and farm seizures and expropriations and the large scale killing of farmers” – apparently drawing on an inaccurate Fox News report that accused Ramaphosa’s government of seizing land from whites.
The inference, while unstated, was that Big Brother would come calling to mete out justice on behalf of the farmers who have found ready allies in Trump’s white nationalist base.
Granted, Ramaphosa’s governing African National Congress (ANC) party intends to amend the Constitution to allow for land expropriation without paying compensation, on the basis that land was stolen from blacks to start with. It has, however, pledged to follow legal procedure, through parliament.
And while it is true that hundreds of white farmers have been killed over the years, so too have their black workers, and there is nothing to suggest they haven’t fallen victim, like thousands of other South Africans of all races, to violent robberies in what has long been dubbed one of the deadliest countries in the world outside a war zone.
Although South Africa has grappled with many challenges over the past decade, including state graft, unemployment of more than 27 percent and economic stagnation, it still prides itself as Africa’s powerhouse, scoffing at suggestions it could go the way of its neighbour Zimbabwe, where erratic land reforms left the economy in ruins.
But in a departure from his usual business-friendly demeanour when wooing international investors in pursuit of a R100 billion target, a visibly annoyed Ramaphosa last week took a page out of combative former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe’s playbook by bluntly telling Trump to butt out of South Africa’s affairs.
Keep your America
“I don’t know what Donald Trump has to do with South African land because he’s never been here. And he must keep his America, we will keep our South Africa,” Ramaphosa said to cheers at a conference.
He was echoing Mugabe, who frequently clashed with former colonial ruler Britain over his own land redistribution policy and famously told then-prime minister Tony Blair during a summit in 2002 to “keep your England, and let me keep my Zimbabwe.”
Current British Prime Minister Theresa May was certainly more circumspect during a visit to South Africa this week, telling journalists her government fully supported the country’s land reform programme provided it was carried out legally.
Trump’s wading in on the side of white farmers has not helped race relations in South Africa, which on the surface seem cordial enough despite underlying resentment among blacks that white people still enjoy the economic advantages bestowed on them by apartheid.
Whites, in turn, feel they have become perpetual scapegoats for the African National Congress government’s failure to properly implement its black economic empowerment policies during the last 24 years in power.
Lobby group Afriforum, which pushes for the interests of South Africa’s minority white Afrikaner population in the face of what it calls reverse racism in government policies, has claimed credit for Trump’s Twitter bomb, calling it the result of a meeting it held with right-wing groups in the United States to garner support.
Afriforum has warned of catastrophic results similar to economic crises that have rocked Zimbabwe and Venezuela if South Africa presses on with its land expropriation plans, saying investors will not be willing to pour money into a country with no respect for property rights.
Pushback could be costly
Certainly, Pretoria ’s pushback against Washington, while arguably justified from a historical and moral standpoint, could prove economically costly given that South Africa is a beneficiary of a preferential trade agreement with the United States under the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act.
The current arrangement is valid until 2025, but Trump has already shown in dealings with Mexico, China and Canada that he is not averse to ripping up existing trade agreements he sees as undercutting America, or simply to settle political scores.
It is worth noting that South Africa’s trade with the Americas as a whole is nowhere near that with Asia, Europe and Africa, with exports at just 10 percent of the total, compared with 17 percent to the rest of Africa, around 31 percent headed to Europe and just over 33 percent to Asia.
South Africa has also been cosying up to China, a fellow member of the BRICS grouping that includes Brazil, Russia and India, and could feel confident, rightly or wrongly, that it has sufficient friends to help it withstand any blows Big Brother might throw its way.
* Stella Mapenzauswa is a Johannesburg-based journalist, media consultant and trainer who has covered economics and politics in southern Africa, including Zimbabwe, South Africa, Zambia, Mozambique, Angola, Namibia, Botswana and Malawi, for more than two decades.