Na die mosie in 2018 aanvaar is het die grootste persentasie van die publiek aangedui dat hulle nie grondhervorming sonder vergoeding goedkeur nie.  Ten spyte hiervan gaan die regering en parlement voort om hul grondwet te wysig.  Video materiaal van Tom Palmer:   Voorlegging en uiteensetting van Oosblok lande waar eiendom sonder vergoeding voortgegaan is.   Die gevolge wat hierdie lande getref het nie lank daarna, waar die wette geimplementeer is nie, het in chaos opge-eindig.   Elkeen van hierdie lande het opge-eindig met massagrafte en algehele vernietiging op alle vlakke van die samelewing – landbou en besighede het alles gevou.   Lees meer oor die “Free Market Foundation” en lees inligting/ sien video materiaal van Johann Rupert.  Sien ook hoe is Soros al uit die 70’s gesteun deur vorige regering.   “Atlas Network”  “Open Society” “Free Market Foundation” “Cato Institute” – George Soros


George Soros & Ramaphosa

Soros and Ramaphosa



Grondonteiening rampe Oosbloklande

The disaster of expropriation without compensation in Eastern Europe and Asia – Tom G. Palmer


Nelson Mandela – Sir Ketumile Masire, Nelson Mandela and the free market foundation

Mandela at FMF

Image result for Fred Macaskill free market foundation


Johann Rupert vs Andile Mngxitama

Wie is Tom Gordon Palmer, hoe skakel hy in met George Soros – Cato Institute wat deur Soros befonds word – hy skakel ook met Johann Rupert, wat dit in sy onlangse video genoem het
Who is Tom Gordon Palmer – he linked with George Soros – Cato Institute – that is financed by Soros.  Furthermore he is also linked to Johann Rupert – listen to his videos as well (free market foundation)



The Free Market Foundation (Southern Africa) is an independent public benefit organisation founded in 1975 to promote and foster an open society, the rule of law, personal liberty, and economic and press freedom as fundamental components of its advocacy of human rights and democracy based on classical liberal principles. It is financed by membership subscriptions, donations and sponsorships.*

The FMF was established to counter the steadily increasing intervention in the economy by the government of the time. Protectionism, high inflation, price controls, bureaucracy and relentless enforcement of racial discrimination all escalated during the 1970’s. In 1977 the FMF became a national body when it received the support of major institutions, including SACOB, AHI, NAFCOC, TUCSA, the National Black Consumer Union, and the National Consumer Union. Representatives of major companies played an active role in the reconstitution of the Foundation and commenced participation in its affairs.


CHAIRMAN 1975-1978: The FMF’s first chairman was Lou Sher, also President of Assocom – see photos hereLeon Louw led the steering committee responsible for the establishment of the foundation. Also on the steering committee were Ed EmaryMike LillardFred MacaskillAndré Spies and Marc Swanepoel.


CHAIRMAN of the interim Executive Committee 1976: After the FMF was registered as a non profit organisation in 1976, Dirk Hertzog, President of the SA Society of Marketers and Chairman of the Oude Meester Group, was chosen as chairman of FMF’s interim executive committee

CHAIRMAN 1978-2005: Michael O’Dowd


Click to access 1999-fm-award-johann-rupert.pdf

The founders of the Rembrandt Group, Dr Anton Rupert and the late Mr Dirk Hertzog, also happen to have been involved in the founding of the Free Market Foundation 25 years ago. Dr Anton Rupert has served as a Patron since the Foundation’s inception whilst Mr Hertzog re‐constituted it, persuaded the major business organisations to support it, and served as a Council Member and President for many years



The foundation published a monthly classical liberal magazine, The Individualist, from its founding in 1975until October 1976, when the FMF was officially registered as a non-profit organisation in South Africa. The magazine was from then on published independently. The Individualist is currently defunct. The FMF would later publish its own journal, Free Market, which was released six times a year. Senator Owen Horwood (Minister of Finance) and Gerhard de Kock (Governor of the Reserve Bank) were among its contributors. Free Market is also currently defunct.





1. Dr. Tom G. Palmer

Dr Palmer is the executive vice president for international programs at the Atlas Economic Research Foundation, a senior fellow at the Cato Institute, and director of Cato University. At Atlas, he is responsible for establishing operating programs in 14 languages and managing programs for a worldwide network of think tanks.

Tom has carried the ideas of liberty to some of the most oppressed and dangerous parts of the planet. He smuggled books, photocopiers, and faxes into the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact nations and has taught and lectured in Iraq, Afghanistan, and many other countries.

2. The Free Market Foundation (FMF) is an independent, non-profit, public benefit organisation, created in 1975 by pro-free market business and civil society national bodies to work for a non-racial, free and prosperous South Africa. As a policy organisation it promotes sound economic policies and the principles of good law. As a think tank it seeks and puts forward solutions to some of the country’s most pressing problems: unemployment, poverty, growth, education, health care, electricity supply, and more. The FMF was instrumental in the post apartheid negotiations and directly influenced the Constitutional Commission to include the property rights clause: a critical cornerstone of economic freedom.

The FMF has a wealth of information in papers, articles and opinion pieces available on the website which can influence the public debate and present alternative policies to the people of South Africa. Please look at


Julius Malema’s Economic Freedom Fighter’s Manifesto, if implemented in entirety, “is incoherent, contradictory and impossible to implement and if it were ever adopted it would bring famine to South Africa in 10 years”, said Dr Tom Palmer, from the Atlas Economic Research Foundation. He was speaking at a Free Market Foundation media briefing and AGM in Johannesburg this week on the theme of the “Morality of Capitalism”.

He said “The Manifesto seeks to make state agencies all powerful and, in effect, giving them the power of life and death over every person in the country, then promises “Open, accountable, corrupt-free government and society without fear of victimisation by state agencies”. He said that this was akin to making all citizens slaves, the government the slave masters then making the master accountable to the slaves. (See his critique of the EFF Manifest below “A Recipe for Wretchedness”).

Dr Palmer said that real economic freedom comes from free market capitalism – relying on the freedom of the participants in markets – which has made the difference between wealth and poverty in many countries. He quoted from the Economic Freedom of the World 1996 Annual Report (Fraser Institute of Canada, James Gwartney and Robert Lawson et al).

“Individuals have economic freedom when property they acquire without the use of force, fraud, or theft is protected from physical invasions by others and they are free to use, exchange, or give their property as long as their actions do not violate the identical rights of others. An index of economic freedom should measure the extent to which rightly acquired property is protected and individuals are engaged in voluntary transactions.”

Julius Malema’s Economic Freedom Fighters Manifesto: A Recipe for Wretchedness, Dr Tom G Palmer

I have read the Economic Freedom Fighters Founding Manifesto and find it simultaneously amusing in its strident nostalgia for the failed totalitarian Fascist, Communist, and National Socialist states of the twentieth century, and disturbingly incoherent as an agenda.

The document contradicts itself in a number of points: on the one hand denouncing the cronyism of state control and on the other encouraging a great deal more of the same; on the one hand talking about democratically accountable government and on the other empowering the same government with the means to coerce and manipulate the public to bend to the will of whatever gang happens to seize state power. After making state agencies all powerful and, in effect, giving them the power of life and death over every person in the country, the Manifesto promises “Open, accountable, corrupt-free government and society without fear of victimisation by state agencies.”


Dr. Tom G. Palmer is the executive vice president for international programs at Atlas Network and is responsible for establishing operating programs in 14 languages and managing programs for a worldwide network of think tanks. On Nov. 10, 2016, Dr. Tom G. Palmer was named the George M. Yeager Chair for Advancing Liberty at Atlas Network. He is also a senior fellow at Cato Institute and director of Cato University. Before joining Cato, he was an H. B. Earhart Fellow at Hertford College, Oxford University, and a vice president of the Institute for Humane Studies at George Mason University.

Tom Gordon Palmer  is a libertarian author and theorist, a Senior Fellow at the Cato Institute and Vice President for International Programs at the Atlas Network.    Palmer has been active in the promotion of libertarian and classical liberal ideas and policies since the early 1970s.
Before joining the Cato Institute, he was a vice president of the Institute for Humane Studies at George Mason University. During the late 1980s and the very early 1990s he worked with the Institute for Humane Studies and other organizations to spread classical-liberal/libertarian ideas in Eastern Europe. He traveled throughout the region to hold seminars and smuggled books, cash, photocopiers, and fax machines from an office in Vienna, Austria



White South Africans could be forced to give up their own homes from next year as the nation’s government steamrolls through plans for land expropriation over claims ‘Africa’s original sin’ must be reversed.  Land is a huge issue in South Africa where racial inequality remains entrenched more than two decades after the end of apartheid when millions of the black majority were dispossessed of their land by a white minority.   The National Assembly agreed to the establishment of a committee that will draft an amendment to section 25 of the Constitution – a law which will allow the government to take homes from the people – and refuse to pay them compensation.

Governing party The African National Congress (ANC) wants to amend the law so the government can take back land and distribute it.  However, critics say it is likely it will be handed off to their friends rather than dished out to those in need.  Last week the nations politicians fast tracked the set up of a committee which will write the legal change and present it next year.   The motion was adopted with 183 MPs voting yes, 77 voting no and no abstentions in fiery scenes as South Africans battle over land reform.  In the same week, South Africa‘s High Court rejected a legal challenge brought by a group representing white farmers against President Cyril Ramaphosa’s plans for land expropriation without compensation.

The Joint Constitutional Review Committee’s report recommended that section 25 of the Constitution be amended ‘so as to address the historic wrongs caused by the arbitrary dispossession of land’.  The report also recommended that the Constitutional Amendment Bill be tabled, processed and passed before the end of the Fifth Parliament, which will rise before next year’s election, presumably in March or April.  However, experts said it is not likely to happen if proper processes are followed.   The motion gives the committee a deadline of March 31, 2019, to complete its work.  ANC chief whip Jackson Mthembu says the nationalisation of land presents a risk that could see those in power giving land away to their friends and cronies.  In some places the wheels are already in motion.   A city outside Johannesburg is preparing what the mayor calls a ‘test case’ over plans to take hundreds of acres of land from private owners, without paying for it in order to build low-cost housing.

Currently section 25 of the Constitution ‘just and equitable’ payment which reflects ‘an equitable balance between the public interest and the interests of those affected’ must be offered for land – but changes would abolish the need to compensate.   Economic Freedom Fighters politician Hlengiwe Mkhaliphi said those arguing against legalising land grabs are ‘beneficiaries of racism’.   ‘Your time is up, white people,’ She added.   The EFF will later put forward an amendment stating all land in private hands must be appropriated.   As many in the nation see the move as retribution for the ‘original sin’ when decades ago black people were driven off their land, it is believed white farmers will be driven from their homes immediately.

Last month, Ekurhuleni’s city council voted in favour of forging ahead with ‘expropriation without compensation’ – a legal tool that the ruling African National Congress says is necessary to provide land for disadvantaged black citizens.

Ramaphosa handed over the title deeds of 4,586 hectares of land to Chief Inkosi Mandla Mkwanazi of the KwaMkwanazi community in Empangeni, near Durban.

The KwaMkwanazi community was forcibly removed from their land more than 100 years ago following the enactment of the 1913 Land Act.

Like other South African cities, Ekurhuleni faces a dire housing crunch, with some 600,000 of its nearly 4 million people living in ‘informal settlements’ and a shortage of land to build homes.

Executive mayor of Ekurhuleni, Mzwandile Masina, who heads the local ANC-led coalition, echoed the president, saying landowners in South Africa don’t need to be ‘scared’.

He added: ‘Our policy is not to take the land by force. Our policy is to make sure the land is shared amongst those that need it.’

Ekurhuleni plans to expropriate about 865 acres (350 hectares) of land in the city limits, both private and government-owned, that has been vacant for decades and develop it to relieve pressure in vast tracts of ramshackle dwellings. The mayor did not identify the landowners.

Democratic Alliance chief whip John Steenhuisen said the amendment is being pushed through without proper procedure.

‘What it (the passing of the motion) also says, very clearly, to the people of South Africa is that regardless of their submissions, this bill is a fait accompli (already decided),’ Steenhuisen said.

‘This is madness. The message it sends to the people of South Africa is ‘we don’t care what you say’.’

MP Sibusiso Mncwabe supported the adoption of the motion: ‘Let’s continue giving this Christmas gift (expropriation without compensation) to our people.’


Ongelukkig glo die meeste swartes dat grond aan die regering moet behoort, om die mag te he, veral oor minerale – wat as daardie regering onttroon word, wat ook maklik kan gebeur of as alles vou?    Meeste glo dat die blankes die grootste persentasie grond besit, wat nie waar is, omdat hul regering reeds meeste grond besit

1. Oor die 5000 plase is reeds aangekoop onder naam van hervorming en restitusie, maar nooit aan enige een oorgedra nie.

2. Alle grondeise / meeste word daar nie titelaktes oorgedra nie, maar word onder CPA (kommunale wetgewing) hanteer, waar daar ‘n CPA geregistreer moet word, terwyl hul slegs lewensreg het (kom ooreen met die Britse Shepstone beleid van 1854. Feitlik al hierdie kommunales het ook finansiele bystand ontvang en wat meestal nie gebruik is vir die grond nie. Heelwat hofsake hieroor.

3. Trustgebiede wat ou Tuislande vervang het is ook kommunale grond, waar die tradisionele leiers slegs trustees is. Daarom kan ander etniese volke nie daar bly nie, nes in die geval van CPAs. Hul wetgewings verbied dit. Dis nie onmoontlik dat hierdie grondgebiede soos CPA hanteer gaan word, waar dit steeds deel van regering-anc wees. Ons moet nie vergeet dis juis die anc wat in beheer is. EFF / DA skryf ook soms wetgewings – enige party kan dit doen, maar enige wetgewing moet 2/3 meerderheid aanvaar word voor dit wet word. Dus kan al hierdie wetgewings herroep of verander word.

4. Daar was reeds wetgewings wat in 2010 as ongrondwetlik beskou is deur Grondwethof en nog nooit herroep of verander is nie.

5. Grond word onder die naam van restitusie as in publieke belang hanteer (grondwet), maar word uitgegee aan China en ander lande (waarskynlik weens slegte skuld of ander redes).

6. Grond soos wildsparke, riviere, damme, SOE gebiede, behoort alles aan die regering / anc.

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Opereer in verskeie lande en organsiasies befondsings


Over the decades, the Atlas Network has been financing a variety of organizations that seek to influence the public and promote capitalist ideas.

This is the second part of the analysis of the Atlas Network, which works with nearly 500 organizations across the globe in a systematic way to target and discredit socialism. The authors, Aram Aharonian and Álvaro Verzi Rangel, co-directors of the Observatory in Communication and Democracy (OCD) and Latin-American Centre of Strategic Analysis (CLAE), look at the affiliates of the Atlas Network in various countries.

In Brazil

In Brazil, NGOs and think tanks have worked together to attack the policies of distribution of the Workers’ Party, manipulated a large corruption scandal, created academic centers and trained activists for the ongoing combat in the media and social networks to direct the revolt against Dilma Rousseff, demanding her overthrow and the end of social welfare policies.
The international media has compared the Brazilian revolt with the U.S. Tea Party movement because of the tacit contribution of the local industrial conglomerates and a new network of right-wing media players and conspiracy tendencies. Helio Beltrão, an executive with a high-risk investment fund that now runs the Mises Institute (named after the ultra-conservative philosopher Ludwig von Mises), says that with the support of Atlas, in Brazil, there are now about 30 “non-profit” institutions acting and collaborating with each other, such as the Students for Liberty (Estudantes Pela Liberdade) and the MBL (Free Brazil Movement).
Key among them are:

  • The Interdisciplinary Centre of Ethics and Personal Economics of Rio de Janeiro: the centre is a religious think tank of Atlas that develops theological arguments for policies that benefit the entrepreneurs and businesses.   The centre replicates the model of the U.S. Acton Institute financed by Betsy DeVos, the Secretary of Education. Its editorial board includes Alejandro Antonio Chafuen and Ives Gandra da Silva Martins, the lawyer who was involved in framing the arguments for the political trail of Dilma Rousseff and the arguments to prevent the trial of her successor, Michel Temer.
  • The Millennium Institute: it is a legal think tank in Rio de Janeiro, which promotes activities to favor free market solutions in Brazil. The group, founded in 2006, receives funding from several large corporations based in the country: Bank of America, Merryll Lynch, Grupo RBS, Gerdau and Am-Cham Brazil –  the group of U.S. companies in the country. The Millennium Institute was particularly active in promoting street demonstrations against President Dilma Rousseff.
  • The Liberal Institute: the institute was founded in 1983 in Rio de Janeiro by Donald Stewart Jr., the construction tycoon and libertarian activist, who made most of his fortune from contracts rigged by USAID in Brazil during the military dictatorship. The institute was among the first partners of the Atlas Network in Latin America. It was partially financed by the National Endowment for Democracy (a US-based organization which is funded by the ultra-conservative Koch brothers) and the Centre for International Private Enterprise (CIPE).

It is like a football team: the defense is the academy and the politicians are the attackers. In the midfield would be those who work in the area of culture, responsible for the media management, misinformation and manipulation of public opinion.

The group finances bloggers and incendiary commentators, including Rodrigo Constantino, known as the Breitbart of Brazil (Breitbart News Network is a portal of right-wing and pro-Israel sites, launched by Andrew Breitbart during a visit to Tel Aviv, Israel in 2007.)

Constantino polarizes Brazilian politics with ultra-sectarian rhetoric. Relentlessly prone to conspiracy theories, he presides over the Liberal Institute and has popularized a narrative according to which the defenders of the PT are the “Caviar left” – rich hypocrites who embrace socialism to feel morally superior, but in reality disregard the working classes they claim to represent.

The “breitbartization” of the discourse is just one of the many ways through which the Atlas Network has influenced the political debate.

Fernando Schuler, academician and columnist associated with the Millennium Institute, is responsible for attacking the 17,000 unions of the country and points out that “with technology, people could participate directly, organizing through WhatsApp, Facebook, and YouTube a kind of low-cost public demonstration” (this is what is understood as public demonstration). For Schuler, the present model – a constellation of think tanks in Washington supported by huge donations – would be the only way for Brazil.

Atlas thus is dedicated in parts to: offering scholarships and grants for new reflection groups and ideas labs, providing courses on political management and public relations, sponsoring networking events around the world and in recent years, dedicating special resources to induce right-wing libertarians to influence public opinion through social networks and online videos.

In Argentina

The Pensar Foundation was a branch of the Atlas Network in Argentina that became PRO, the political party that propelled Mauricio Macri to the presidency in 2015. Leaders of Pensar and the Freedom Foundation (Fundación Libertad) – another branch of the network – today occupy key positions in the Argentine administration. But there are also a number of foundations, led by senior officials of Macri’s administration, who drain public money.

According to journalistic investigations, in this network are foundations such as Suma (directed by vice-president Gabriela Muchetti), Seguridad y Justicia [Security and Justice] (of security secretary Eugenio Burzaco), Creer y Crecer (of mayor Nestor Grindetti), Formar (of the Minister of Education Guillermo Dietrich), Pericles (of the presidential Legal Adviser Rodríguez Simón), etc.

The Attorney General’s Office for Economic Crime and Laundering of Assets denounced the Minister of Culture Hernán Lombardi in 2014 for the diversion of public funds to Pensar. Likewise, the “tithe” that the Macrista leader Gladys Rodríguez requested from those who accessed public employment in the province of Buenos Aires, was denounced to the court as a means of increasing funds of the same foundation.

The Center for the Opening and Development of Latin America (CADAL, among the most influential 60 think tanks in the region, according to the Global Think Tank Index report), is associated with the Network of Democracy Research Institutes (NDRI), and launched the Vaclav Pavel Institute and Latin Analysis (Analysis Latino), directed by journalist Fernando Malaboro (prize to Young leaders 2006 of the Atlas Network), all with funds provided by the NED, via the Atlas Network and the money drained from the Argentine State.

In Honduras

The Eléutera foundation, in Sao Pedro Sula, Honduras, was founded after the coup d’etat against the constitutionally elected president, Manuel Zelaya, in 2009. The leader of the foundation, Guillermo Peña Panting, who used to work at the John Locke Foundation, a think tank of Atlas based in North Carolina, has given numerous seminars from the organization.

The present government of Honduras has requested the political support of Eléutera, including for the establishment of the first Special Economic Development Areas (ZEDE), a controversial project aimed at letting business leaders manage certain areas without attending to the state’s legal and political systems.

In Venezuela

Atlas has played a role in Venezuela.

Records obtained through the Freedom of Information Act, as well as the State Department’s links revealed by Chelsea Manning, refer to the sophisticated efforts of U.S. politicians to use Atlas’ think tanks in a long campaign to destabilize the Venezuelan government.

As early as in 1998, Cedice Libertad, the flagship of Atlas in Caracas, received regular financial support from the Center for International Private Enterprise. The funds that NED assigns for Cedice are explained as helping advocate “a change in government”.

Cedice Libertad provides support to the leaders of the conservative opposition, including Maria Corina Machado. The director of Cedice signed the Carmona Decree, which established the brief dictatorship after the civic-military coup against Hugo Chavez in 2002.

A 2006 cable referred to a strategy of U.S. Ambassador William Brownfield to finance politically active non-profit organizations in Venezuela to strengthen ‘democratic institutions’ towards the penetration of Hugo Chávez’ political base, the division of Chavismo and, above all, the protection of vital businesses at the international level.

There are other NGOs and foundations that work for Atlas, such as Provea (also financed by the Open Society Foundation of multi-millionaire George Soros, the Ford Foundation and the British embassy), the Civil Association of Citizen’s Power (routed in the undermining of military forces and Venezuelan intelligence and the security apparatus), and the Venezuelan Observatory of Social Conflict, which works on human rights issues and citizenship, which is also financed jointly by the NED.

Public Space (Espacio Público) is another such organization that directly coordinated the distribution of funds and projects of the State Department to “independent journalism” (anti-Chávez Portals) between 2008 and 2010.

Another such organization is Venezuelan Foro Penal, financed by Freedom House, for the legal defense of those accused of sabotage and terrorism during the vandalism campaigns of “civil resistance” of the Venezuelan opposition in 2014 and 2017.




The National African Federated Chamber of Commerce and Industry (NAFCOC) is federated chamber .It is one of the largest business chambers in South Africa with representation in all 9 provinces of South Africa. It was established in 1964 by black traders in Soweto. NAFCOC’s founding fathers include some of South Africa’s black business luminaries such as Dr Richard Maponya, Dr Sam Motseunyane , Bigvai Masekela and S.Z Conco.



NAFCOC is a vast organisation with representation in all the 9 provinces of South Africa. NAFCOC executes its mandate through sector specific chambers who offer relevant business support services to its members depending on the sector chamber they affiliate.

The following sector focused national organizations are members of the NAFCOC:

  1. NAFCOC Construction (NAFCON);
  2. African Cooperative for Hawkers and Informal Businesses ( ACHIB);
  3. National African Transport Organisation ( NAFTO);
  4. National Industrial Chamber (NIC);
  5. South African Leisure and Tourism Hospitality Association (SALTHA); and
  6. South African Mining and Energy Chamber (SAMEC).
  7. National African Farmers Union (NAFU)
  8. Nafcoc Security and Cleaning ( NAFSEC)
  9. Nafcoc Retail Chamber ( NAFRET)

The Chamber also has special interest chambers under its wings. These are;

  1. Youth Chamber
  2. Women’s Chamber


2017 (MARCH)

Nafcoc welcomes the changes and developments in the National Executive as announced by the President of the Republic Mr Jacob ZumaNafcoc believes that while continuity and stability should be  key considerations in the appointment and deployment of Ministers, the current social and economic conditions necessitated these changes. In particular the commitment towards radical economic transformation which Nafcoc fully supports and endorsed, had to be matched with equally committed Ministers and resources. In this regard, Nafcoc welcomes the cabinet changes and believes that they will advance the programme of radical economic transformation.

“Radical economic transformation as outlined by the President Zuma in his state of the nation address, must now be the only game in town” Said Lawrence Mavundla, President of Nafcoc.

Nafcoc is however concerned about the characterization of the President executive decision, as amounting to getting rid of one or two individuals. We are of the of the view that that no area of governance should be seen as a preserve of certain individuals. As such no individual should be regarded as indispensable in a collective within a democratic state. The public and country must come first  in these matters.

“We were of the view that the conditions and fundamentals were sufficient for the slight reduction in the repo rate”  contends Mr Landiwe MahlanguNafcoc Chief Economist. ” We do however understand that the  MPC is of the view that inflationary outlook is still outside the target range.” Mr Mahlangu added.




Never again should government be able to take black property, says Nafcoc and APOR



Lawrence Mavundla explains the current expropriation without compensation being perpetrated on many black South Africans, and why this needs to be addressed as urgently as possible.

How Sam Motsuenyane’s Nafcoc Started African Bank in 1964 – with R70

Read the article:

From the R70 base of 1964 NACOC traversed all corners of the country to secure a broad based buy-in that came via the R100 per participant. The momentum was boosted by some Bantustan leaders. The contribution of the Zululand government under the leadership of Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi is highlighted. The ‘cantankerous’ Chief is said to have been highly enthusiastic and put up R25 000 from KwaZulu. The R1million target was hit and African Bank launched its first branch in 1975 in Ga-Rankua with Dr Motsuenyane as chairperson.

Dr Motsuenyane states that the day African Bank was launched it was blessed by “a tremendous downpour of rain”.

“Just after we said ‘Amen’, the rain came down in torrents,” says Dr Motsuenyane. “The streets in the township were flowing with water and people shouting, Pula (rain)… We sang ‘Glory Hallelujah’ when our long-cherished dream was transformed into reality.”



READ ALSO – as background from what was in the Homelands or previously called reserves… today it is Trustlands.RESERVES>HOMELANDS>TRUSTLANDS AND CPA’S (LANDCLAIMS)




Bophuthatswana Homeland (SA)

Ingonyama Trustgebied (en andere)

Zoeloes (Ingonyama Trust) > Ramaphosa

Tuislande en Trustgebiede in Suid-Afrika


Tuislande – Trustgebiede


The Free Market Foundation (FMF) is a right-wing libertarian think tank, founded in 1975, which has a history of working on behalf of the tobacco industry.

FMF is a partner of the Atlas Network.

In 2017, FMF and Atlas co-hosted the Africa Liberty Forum, an annual event that promotes greater freedom in public policy in the African region.

FMF’s Executive Director Leon Louw and FMF staff and advisors have long been affiliated with the Mont Pelerin Society, an international organisation consisting of influential people who embrace free market principles.
Other Mont Pelerin members include Dr Tim Evans and the Eamonn Butler from the Adam Smith Institute.

Part-Funded by Tobacco Companies

British American Tobacco South Africa (BATSA), which holds about 74% of the South  African cigarette market,   has been a “senior corporate member” of FMF from 2000.

Philip Morris International (PMI) was also listed on FMF’s website as a senior corporate member in 2013.    Shortly after, the FMF removed information about members from its website, and it no longer makes its donors’ details public.

Senior membership is the highest level of FMF corporate membership and senior members donate between R100,000 and 250,000 annually (roughly equivalent to £5,000 – £12,750 per annum).

A statement on FMF’s website outlines the relationship between FMF and its members:

“the FMF is employed by members to promote a market economy in which they earn higher profits.”

Furthermore, its role is to “assist business” by “making representations on behalf of its members to the government.”



FMF has a long-standing relationship with the Rupert family of South Africa, who established the tobacco company Voorbrand in the 1940s, which was later consolidated with Rothmans International, before merging with British American Tobacco (BAT) to form BATSA.

After this restructuring, Johann Rupert, described by some as South Africa’s “tobacco kingpin”, became Chairman of investment companies Remgro and Reinet, each of which has had a major shareholding in BAT.

In 2012, Reinet Investments was reported as holding 84 million shares in BAT, which accounted for around 85% of Reinet’s value and 4.3% of BAT’s capital.

Johann Rupert and his father Anton have been patrons of FMF between at least 2000 and 2016.   FMF’s Louw has reported that in 2016 Johann Rupert “donated millions” to the FMF Khaya Lam project.









4 gedagtes oor ““FREE MARKET FOUNDATION””

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