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The Black Economic Empowerment Commission (BEECom) was formally established in May 1998. It arose from a resolution taken at the Black Management Forum (BMF) National Conference in November 1997. The initiative was introduced under the administration of President Nelson Mandela and his Government of National Unity.
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DISKRIMINASIE EN RASSISME IS EN BLY ‘N INTERNASIONALE MISDAAD
Swart bemagtiging Inhoud B-BBEE Index
Rassisme en diskriminasie Swart bemagtiging in Suid-Afrika
Rassisme en Diskriminasie Suid-Afrika
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Al hierdie oorgawes en binnekring geheimenisse, is voorafgegaan deur die geheimsinnige samesprekings wat by IDASA se vergaderings in Dakar, Zambië en ander plekke gehou is. Verwys na die Van Zyl Slabbert vergaderings wat die vorige DP begin reël het. OSF.SA (George Soros van Amerika) is een van die finansierders van IDASA en KODESA. Grondwetskrywers het heelwat uit Afrikaners bestaan.
Voor 1994 se verkiesing en tydens die aanloop tot die eerste sogenaamde demokratiese verkiesing in Suid-Afrika, is die eerste BEE-transaksie tussen Sanlam en dr. Nthato Motlana se konsortium van swart sakelui gesluit, waarkragtens Sanlam sy beherende belang in Metropolitan Life van die hand gesit het. Dit was nie nie enigste wat hieruit voortgespruit het nie.
In die vroeë 1990’s het die sogenaamde beheerde sakesektor uit die ou regime in Suid-Afrika begin besef dat swart mense hul regmatige plek in ‘n post-apartheid-Suid-Afrika moes inneem, en het begin om deure vir ondernemings in swart besit oop te stel. Hulle was onder geen verpligting destyds nie, want hulle het geen mandaat gehad om dit op ‘n skinkbord aan te bied nie.
Hulle wou dit doen en was beplan om totale ekonomie in duie te laat stort. Hulle kon dit nie alleen doen nie, en moes ‘n “foefie” skep om dit te laat maak gebeur. Opdragte het waarskynlik en vermoedelik uit ‘n ander boord gekom en kan geraai word waar dit vandaankom. In die proses is daar heelwat ryk biljoenêrs gevorm, wat voordeel uit swart bemagtiging getrek het.
Indien al hierdie rykes vandag so met hul “ondersteuners” maak en verwag en sou hulle eendag verwag almal moet op aandag spring, sit hulle daardie pot mis. Armoede is ‘n lelike ding en dryf mense uit hul armoede is, veral as hulle hard gewerk het vir hul karige inkomstes wat vervreem word van hulle. Geen wonder al hierdie rykes het huise en besighede met hoë mure met kamera’s en dosyne wagte wat hulle omring. Vir wie is hulle dan so bang?
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Swart Suid-Afrikaners, wat ongeveer 80% van die bevolking uitgemaak het, het feitlik niks van betekenis besit nie – nie die myne onder hul voete nie, nie die banke wat hul lone gehou het nie, en ook nie die plase waarop hul grootouers gewerk het nie. Dit was nie toevallig nie. Die oorname was nie toevallig nie, want die rykes het toe al geweet hulle wil die armes en middelklas gebruik om hulle goed te posisioneer. Dit was beleid, en dit was reeds dekades lank beleid. Dit kom uit die vorige regering ook. Alles word voor swart bemagtiging en die bevoordeling van die ‘elites’ se deure geplaas.
Terug voor 1994 – Hier was besliste ooreenkomste aangegaan met ‘n groter mag wat die massas nooit sal weet wie daaragter sit nie. Of hulle weet baie goed en wag om self in te gryp.
Wakker word Boere volk, julle is deel van die ondergang en vernietiging, nes ons voorouers daardeur moes gaan. Daarom was en is die Boere volk in 1902 verneuk uit hul grondgebiede, die Boere republieke. Die Boere volk was nooit deel hiervan nie, daarom sing hierdie vername leiers so om die BOERE te vermoor. Hierdie is nie ‘n 1914 Rebellie nie – nog minder ‘n herhaling daarvan. Nes destyds, het Brittanje en haar bondgenote gebruik gemaak van vreemdelinge om hul vuilwerk te doen.
Swart bemagtiging was deel van die vernietigingsproses van ons almal …
Die wortels van BEE strek terug na die Vryheidshandves van 1955, wat gepleit het vir die nasionalisering van myne, banke en monopolistiese nywerhede. Die weergawe wat egter in die 1990’s gestalte gekry het, was veel gematigder. BEE het in die vroeë 1990’s as konsep na vore getree, met die aanvanklike praktiese fokus op die verhoging van swart eienaarskap van aandele in groot maatskappye. Doen navorsing oor wie werklik agter die 1955 manifes sit en die antwoord sal voor-die-handliggend wees. Immigrante wat alle regerings wil oorheers en die res is slawe en onderdane.
Daar is ook duisende miljoeners na 1994 gebore. Dus, die EEN hand was die ander hand. Groot familie besigheid wat alles bedryf. Werkloosheid het die land besit en toelaes groei by die miljoene wat uit die belastingbetalers se sakke uitkom.
Die beleid van swart bemagtiging, het beslis nie ‘n baie groot swart middelklas geskep nie – kyk rondom jou en neem waar. Heelwat van die middelklas sit met groot bedrae slegte skuld. Die aantal swart Suid-Afrikaners in bestuursposte het tussen 2001 en 2017 met 176% toegeneem. Daar is ondernemings in swart besit en onder swart bestuur in sektore waar hulle in 1994 feitlik onsigbaar was. Die mynbou-, bank- en telekommunikasiebedrywe het gedeeltelike transformasie ondergaan. Die swart professionele klas is ‘n werklikheid en groei steeds. Tog, is armoede in almal se skoot. Wees maar eerlik hoeveel daar is met hope slegte skuld.
Dit is werkloosheid wat totaal en al alles beheer, met al die infrastrukture wat totaal gefaal het, veral as daar in ag geneem word dat munisipale owerhede feitlik almal aan die stukke wetgewing meot voldoen. Daar is heelwat munisipaliteite, hospitale, klinieke en staatsdepartemente wat nie reg funksioneer nie. Daar is bykans geen staatsentiteit oor wat funksioneer nie. Alles deur swart bemagtigers beheer.
Water, kanale, hidrokrag en rioolaanlegte
Die syfers aan die onderkant van die ekonomie is egter vernietigend. In 2003, die jaar waarin BEE wetgewing geword het, was 3,7 miljoen Suid-Afrikaners werkloos. Teen 2024 was 16,3 miljoen werkloos. Werkloosheid onder swart mense, wat in 2003 op 29,2% gestaan het, het tot bo 37% gestyg. Suid-Afrika se Gini-koëffisiënt – die standaardmaatstaf vir inkomste-ongelykheid – staan op 0,63, wat die land die mees ongelyke ter wêreld maak. Meer as die helfte van Suid-Afrika se 60 miljoen inwoners leef steeds in armoede. In die eerste kwartaal van 2025 was die werkloosheidskoers onder jongmense tussen die ouderdomme van 15 en 24 jaar 59,6%.
Nou waar is die middelklas heen?
Dit bestaan nie, dis ‘n vals vlag.
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Sedert die ineenstorting van die land se ekonomie voor ons almal se oë soos ‘n drama opvoering begin afspeel het, was die skrif van vernietiging reeds teen die muur. Dit gaan nie so goed as wat ons dink nie. Destyds, veral 1994, kon swartes en anderskleuriges natuurlik nie hul oë glo dat 1994 so ‘n maklike oorname aan die kommunistiese stuur oorhandig is nie. Hul leiers het dit prontuit gestel. Hulle het hul steun daarvoor gegee. Die land het goed gewerk – alles is nou flenters en verniel.
Liberaal verligtes wat by IDASA was, het ‘n sug van verligting geblaas omrede dit hul totale einddoel was: vernietig alle infrastrukture en die land sal vanself in duie stort. Die Afrikanerbond en hul onderskeie ondersteuners, sedert 1910 tot 1994, wat reeds ‘n groot opbou gehad het in al die rykdomme, veral rykdomme van myne van die Boere republieke, het nie op hulle laat wag om soveel moontlik te skep daaruit nie.
Vergete was al die moorde van die Anglo-Boere oorloë en veldslae waarin hul ‘n baie groot aandeel gehad het om te sorg dat mynmagnate gelukkig gehou moet word saam met al die miljoene arbeiders uit Afrika wat die Boere repubieke verder kon plunder soos hulle wou. Hulle doen dit steeds vandag. Die grense van die Unie en Republiek van Suid-Afrika was oop vir almal om te kom en gaan soos hulle wil. Alles goed beplan. Heelwat van die immigrante uit die noorde en rondom die Unie/Republiek het natuurlik later deel gevorm van al die massas wat kon stem in die land.
SWARTES het amptelik gestem voor 1994 in die Tuislande, want hulle het gestem vir onafhankilkheid en selfbeskikking. Nog ‘n leuen wat bedryf word.
Oud President Paul Kruger draai gereeld in sy graf om, want immers het hy vir vryheid vir die Boere volk opgestaan, wat die mynmagnate en immigrante, saam die Afrikaners en Engelse totaal geignoreer het. Vir hulle was geld belangriker as vryheid van ‘n volk of selfs ander volke wat ook daaronder verteer word. Daarom was die gevegte groot tydens die veldslae en Anglo-Boere oorloë en het bykans al die ondersteuners vandag in ‘n kommunistiese regering se voorgeslagte, destyds dieselfde wedloop gehardloop saam die Britte en haar bondgenote.
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Hierdie aaneenlopende oorgawe van die Afrikaner organisasies en besighede, paar jaar voor die 1994 verkiesing, staan ook bekend as die Stigting van New Africa Investments Limited (NAIL), wat wyd beskou word as die amptelike beginpunt van Breëbasis Swart Ekonomiese Bemagtiging (BSEB / BEE). Dit is eintlik verkeerd, want dit was genotuleer, ook deur die Afrikanerbond, dat swart bemagtiging se saad in Dakar geplant is. Selfs Pik Botha was destyds nie stil oor hierdie oorname nie.
Op hierdie stadium van oorname voor 1994 reeds, was daar nog nie ‘n 1996 grondwet ter sprake nie. Dit het by Kodesa gebeur, waar daar heelwat Afrikaners en veral van die Afrikanerbond teenwoordig was.
Regstellende aksie – Affirmative Action – Dakar 1989
Dakar 1986 – Notes of H Giliomee
Daar is of was GEEN mandaat van enige Boere volkslid ontvang nie, want hulle was in ‘n groot mate eerder betrokke by hierdie en ander besighede se groei sedert 1910-1994. Juis om hulself op te bou na die veldslae en Anglo-BOERE oorloë.
Die enigste mandaat wat deur Afrikanerbondleier FW de Klerk verkry is, was van blankes om ‘n nuwe grondwet op te stel. Hierdie mandaat van FW waarmee hy so gespog het, was ook nie eg nie. Omrede daar net ‘n ja-nee uitslag was, die wegbly en bedorwe stemme is nie bygereken nie, so daar kon nie ‘n meerderheid JA gewees het nie. Daar is en word openlik vir ons gelieg hieroor, want daar was heelwat wat nie na die stembus gegaan het nie.
Die mandaat het nie gegaan oor swart bemagtiging, regstellende aksie of onteiening nie. Wie moet bedank word hiervoor – die veelvolkige multi-kulturele Afrikaner nasie en hul organisasies , die afrikanerbond.
Wat doen die organisasies vandag – loer gerus op webtuistes hoe word daar gelieg oor die Boere republieke. Vandag probeer hulle organisasies inpalm. Veral om al die Boere republieke se grondgebiede ‘wettig’ hulle sin te maak en maak of die geskiedenis van die Boere volk aan die Afrikaner behoort. Afrikaners en al haar vele organisasies, is ‘n veelvolkig en multi-kulturele organisasies en vorm die Afrikaner reënboognasie. Dis waarmee FW so gespog het saam sy mede broers. Die Boere is ‘n volk in eie reg en behoort aan geen Afrikaner gemengde reënboognasie nie.
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Councils and Commissions
During May 1998, the Black Economic Empowerment Commission (BEECom) was formally established under the auspices of the Black Business Council (BBC). This marked the first time black professionals and activists formally took charge of designing a state-backed framework to redress the economic inequalities of apartheid.
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In the early 1990s, the business sector in South Africa started realising that black people were to take their rightful place in a post-Apartheid South Africa, and started opening the doors to black-owned enterprises. In 1993, during the run-up to the first democratic elections in South Africa, the first BEE deal was concluded between Sanlam and Dr Nthato Motlana’s consortium of black business people, whereby Sanlam disposed of its controlling stake in Metropolitan Life. They were not the only ones.
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DIE RYK ‘ELITES’
BILLIONAIRES
HAAL AAN
Moeletsi Mbeki, have argued that this model built wealth without building industrial capacity. “Transferring shares from white people to black people does not grow the South African economy,” Mbeki said in a 2025 documentary. “They were distributing the existing wealth.”
The man most associated with its early institutionalization was Thabo Mbeki, who became president in 1999. Mbeki was explicit about wanting to create what he called a “patriotic black bourgeoisie” — a class of black capitalists who would own and run significant pieces of the economy and, in doing so, pull others up behind them. In 1999, the ANC government supported the creation of the BEE Commission under the chairmanship of Cyril Ramaphosa. The commission’s report, issued in 2001, moved the government not only to bring the process of asset transfer within a legal framework, but also to greatly broaden the nature of BEE itself.
The first BEE transaction actually predated the law, occurring in 1993, before the country’s first multiracial elections, when Metropolitan Life sold a 10% stake to Methold, a holding company owned by well-connected blacks. By 1998, 111 transactions worth a combined fortune had been completed. The machine was running.
This is where the story gets complicated. The law said companies needed black shareholders. But which black South Africans would become those shareholders? The process was almost entirely undemocratic. Several politically connected ANC stalwarts, notably Saki Macozoma, Tokyo Sexwale, Cyril Ramaphosa, and Patrice Motsepe, gained substantial wealth and influence in key sectors such as mining and finance through BEE deals.
His primary source of wealth was the Shanduka Group, a pioneering BEE company he founded and ran as executive chairman. Shanduka facilitated investments across sectors including mining, energy, real estate, and telecommunications. Its portfolio came to read like a map of the South African economy: MTN, Standard Bank, Coca-Cola bottling plants, SABMiller, Alexander Forbes, Bidvest, Lonmin. In addition to Shanduka, Ramaphosa chaired Bidvest for nine years and MTN for over a decade. In 2011, his company acquired a 20-year master franchise agreement to operate 145 McDonald’s restaurants in South Africa.
By 2014, Shanduka was valued at over R20 billion ($1.1 billion), with the Ramaphosa family’s Tshivhase Trust as its majority shareholder. In 2015, Ramaphosa sold the company to the Phembani Group, netting, according to Forbes estimates, between $200 million and $300 million. His fortune at its peak was estimated at $700 million.
Motsepe grew up in Soweto, where his father ran a spaza shop that catered to mineworkers. He trained as a lawyer and became the first black partner at Bowman Gilfillan, a top Johannesburg law firm. That legal career gave him an intimate understanding of South Africa’s mining industry — how its contracts worked, where the bodies were buried.
In 1997, with gold prices at a historic low, he purchased marginal gold mines from AngloGold under favorable finance terms. AngloGold sold Motsepe six gold mine shafts for $7.7 million, allowing him to repay the debt out of the future earnings of the company now known as African Rainbow Minerals. Those were mines Anglo American considered too old and unprofitable to bother with. Motsepe bet he could run them lean. He cut management costs in half, restructured worker pay to include profit-sharing bonuses, and within a year the shafts were turning a profit. Bobby Godsell, Anglo’s CEO of gold and uranium at the time, had been skeptical. The National Union of Mineworkers boss told Motsepe he was setting black people up for embarrassment. Motsepe pressed on regardless.
BEE laws requiring companies to have a minimum 26% black ownership before a mining license would be granted were instrumental in cementing Motsepe’s position in the industry. ARM was listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange in 2002 and went on to become a major diversified mining house. In 2003, Motsepe created Ubuntu-Botho Investments, and a year later made a BEE deal with Sanlam, the insurance and financial services company. When the deal concluded in 2014 after the debt was paid, Ubuntu-Botho had acquired a 13.5% stake in Sanlam. Today Motsepe’s net worth is estimated at approximately $2.9 billion, making him South Africa’s third richest person and the continent’s first black dollar billionaire when he appeared on Forbes’ list in 2008.
BEE laws requiring companies to have a minimum 26% black ownership before a mining license would be granted were instrumental in cementing Motsepe’s position in the industry. ARM was listed on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange in 2002 and went on to become a major diversified mining house. In 2003, Motsepe created Ubuntu-Botho Investments, and a year later made a BEE deal with Sanlam, the insurance and financial services company. When the deal concluded in 2014 after the debt was paid, Ubuntu-Botho had acquired a 13.5% stake in Sanlam. Today Motsepe’s net worth is estimated at approximately $2.9 billion, making him South Africa’s third richest person and the continent’s first black dollar billionaire when he appeared on Forbes’ list in 2008.
Tokyo Sexwale, Cyril Ramaphosa, Saki Macozoma and Patrice Motsepe were sometimes referred to as the “Fabulous Four,” their companies holding more than $1.5 billion worth of interests in the country’s most important industries, from the biggest banks to the richest gold mines.
Sexwale had spent 13 years on Robben Island alongside Nelson Mandela before becoming the premier of Gauteng province in 1994. When he left politics in 1998, he founded Mvelaphanda Holdings, building stakes in gold, platinum and diamond mining as well as banking, hotels and healthcare. He became CEO of Batho Bonke, which received an effective 10% stake in Absa bank in 2004, and also held positions at Gold Fields, Trans Hex Group and Northam Platinum. His net worth grew to an estimated R3 billion ($165 million) at his peak.
Saki Macozoma, another Robben Island veteran, went into management at the parastatal Transnet in 1996, then moved to the private sector. His main vehicle became Safika Holdings, largely funded through Standard Bank, giving him interests in banking, mining, telecoms and financial services. Standard Bank, in one of the largest BEE deals yet concluded at the time, sold 10% of its shares to black partners, with a substantial share going to a consortium led by Macozoma and Ramaphosa.
The names of six magnates recurred in deal after deal: Tokyo Sexwale, Cyril Ramaphosa, Saki Macozoma, Patrice Motsepe, Moss Ngoasheng and Mzi Khumalo. They had amassed huge fortunes, were part of or had access to the ANC, and were linked through business alliances and friendships. South Africa’s then-vice president Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka publicly complained about it, noting that the deals always seemed to involve “the same BEE gentlemen.”
Irene Charnley came from a low-income home on the Cape Flats and spent 13 years as a negotiator for the National Union of Mineworkers before entering the corporate world. She became an executive director of the MTN Group, overseeing its listing and playing a significant role in its growth across Africa and the Middle East. She also spearheaded the Ikageng Scheme, in which 32,000 ordinary South Africans participated and received a 400% return on their initial deposit over three years. When she left MTN, she was worth over $150 million.
Bridgette Radebe, elder sister of Patrice Motsepe, is widely recognized as South Africa’s first black female mining entrepreneur. Starting in the 1980s as a contract miner managing shafts, she founded Mmakau Mining, which developed interests in platinum, gold, chrome and coal. Her net worth is estimated at R1.3 billion (roughly $70 million).
Wendy Luhabe founded Women Investment Holdings, one of South Africa’s first women-focused BEE investment vehicles, and later launched a R120 million private equity fund specifically for women-owned enterprises. She was the first woman to chair Vodacom. Gloria Serobe co-founded Wiphold, a women’s investment company listed on the JSE that gave thousands of women shareholders a stake in the mainstream economy. Louisa Mojela was also a key architect of Wiphold, which at its peak had over 25,000 women investors on its books.
Phuti Mahanyele-Dabengwa built her credentials through Shanduka Group, where she rose to CEO, before taking on the top role at Naspers South Africa. Faith Khanyile chairs Women’s Investment Holdings. Salukazi Dakile-Hlongwane, a founding member of Wiphold, went on to lead Kagiso Trust Investments. Tshepo Mahloele is the chief executive of Harith General Partners, a major infrastructure fund manager focused on the continent. Phumzile Langeni served on numerous boards including Bidvest and Exxaro. Nomhle Canca, Dawn Mokhobo, Zanele Mbeki, wife of former president Thabo Mbeki, and Cheryl Carolus, a former ANC activist and South Africa’s ambassador to Britain, all built investment and board careers that would not have been possible without the structural opening BEE provided.
Members
https://blackbusinesscouncil.africa/membership/new-members/
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Follow up – The South African Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (B-BBEE) summit took place during 3-5 October 2013 at Gallagher Estate, Midrand. This occasion marks a decade since the adoption of the B-BBEE Act No. 53 by the South African Government in 2003. The Act was assented to with the aim of establishing a legislative framework for the promotion of BEE to end the exclusion of black people from the mainstream of the economy and de-racialise business ownership through focused policies of BEE.
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