Is “seksonderrig” in skole regtig suksesvol en om verkragtings te voorkom of sit daar meer hieragter? Getalle! In oorlog geteisterde gebiede in Afrika, is dit soldate wat meestal die vroue en jong meisies verkrag om vroue te gebruik om hul mag af te dwing en dan word onwelkome babas gebore. Getalle! Die regering moet dalk eers by hulself begin, die misdaad, waarvan verkragting deel is, is deel van die totale prentjie. Getalle Soldate boesem eerstens vrees in omdat hul gewapen is en dit hul taak om te verkrag vergemaklik. Getalle Hierdie tipe soldaat hoort nie daar nie en moet summier permanent uit die samelewing verwyder word. Verkragters hoort in geen samelewing nie. Soos soldate in Afrika, is dit misdadigers, terroriste en die in posisies wat magte uitbuit om veral kinders te verkrag. Getalle
In enige oorlog word seks as vrees en afskrikmiddel gebruik, dis al oor en oor bewys hoeveel onwelkome kinders word gebore in sulke tydperke. In Suid-Afrika het ons al sedert 1961 koue oorlog en word seks gebruik as vrees en afskrikmiddel op alle vlakke van die samelewing om in beheer te wees en te bly. Ons grense is oop met misdadigers en terroriste volop.
Dis ook hier op die hele Afrika kontinent, waar die probleem is, mans wat daar is vir beskerming in tye van oorlog, buit die jong kinders en vroue uit, om vrees in te boesem en so is dit ook in Suid-Afrika en elders. Hoeveel verkragtingsake het opge-eindig in howe met ‘n dodelike vonnis van 20-30 jaar ? SASSA is nog ‘n groot oorsaak, werkloses en skoolkinders neem hieraan deel, hoe maklik is dit om kinders te kry en dan ‘n SASSA toelae te verdien daarmee.
Owerhede laat misdaad soos verkragting toe, waar verkragters onwettig huise inkom, hul daad doen met ‘n mes of rewolwer teen die kop, waar vrouens of kinders, te bang vir martelings en wonde, onwillig toegee. Baie kinders word afgedreig met vrees vir ‘n seksuele daad. Hoekom word ons grense nie gesluit vir misdadigers wat die land binnesypel nie. Waarom is daar nie groter straf in Suid-Afrika of elders vir verkragters nie. Dit verwoes enige kind of vrou /man se lewe. Die persoon wat verkrag, voel niks vir hul slagoffers nie. Moenie dink as onderwysers sogenaamd gaan opvoeding doen om verkragting te voorkom nie, dit gaan verbeter nie, inteendeel, dit gaan nie.
Kinders word te maklik omgepraat en gemanipuleer vir die SASSA toelae. Dis ‘n wortel voor die neus vir die werkloses, maak kinders en kry SASSA toelae, hoe meer kinders en babas, hoe groter die toelae. Die regering gee juis te maklik toelae aan hierdie wat te maklik swanger raak en verkragting is net mooi deel van die SASSA teelprogram van die regering. Dis net om ‘n ekstra las op belasting betalers te plaas om die “onwettige babas” te versorg. SASSA is in elk geval so min, maar aan die einde as dit 25 miljoen is, is dit heelwat uit die belastingbetaler se sak uit.
Is “sex education” in schools really successful and to prevent rape or is there more behind it? Numbers! In war-ravaged areas in Africa, it is soldiers who usually rape women and young girls, to use the women to enforce their power and then unwelcome babies are born from this sex behaviours. Numbers. In poverty as well.
The government may have to start with themselves, the crime of which rape is part of the overall picture. Soldiers firstly instill fear because they are armed and this makes it easier for them to rape women and children. Numbers This type of soldier does not belong there and must be permanently removed from society. Rapists belong to no society. Like soldiers in Africa, in South Africa, it is criminals, terrorists and those in positions that exploit forces to rape women and children in particular. They want to control the women and children. Numbers
Another main cause in South Africa, is to manipulate children for the SASSA grant is easy, especially if and when the parents are not working but also for an extra income. Again. Numbers. Tax paid them to do it. It’s a carrot for the unemployed, raising children and getting SASSA allowances. The more children and babies, the bigger the allowances. The government is giving away too easily to those who become pregnant and rape is just a good part of the government’s “SASSA breeding program”.
There are no guarantees that Sex education from grade 4 will be a working “solution” to prevent rape – it will teach more children to make babies and how to become pregnant. It’s just putting an extra burden on taxpayers to take care of the “illegal babies”. SASSA is so small amount anyway, but at the end if it is 25 million++ , it is much out of the taxpayer’s pocket.
To create more employment opportunities and stop SASSA to those that can work is the only solution.
A serious crime like rape is worse in the country since 1994. When a terrorist came into a house, normally with a knife or gun, they also manipulate women and children that fall pregnant. You can only defend yourself if you are in the same position, with a gun and knife.
What happened with those teachers?
Seks onderig – Sex education – ABUSES
South Africa’s crime statistics for 2018/19
2. Sexual offences
Sexual offences is a broad crime category that includes rape, compelled rape, sexual assault, incest, bestiality, statutory rape and the sexual grooming of children. The number of reported sexual offences increased to 52,420 in 2018/19 from 50,108 in 2017/18. Most of these were cases of rape.
HOW MANY OF THOSE RAPERS ARE IN JAIL? HOW MANY COURT CASES?
The sexual offences crime rate increased from 88.3 per 100,000 in 2017/18 to 90.9 in 2018/19.
Total sexual offences recorded in South Africa in 2018/19 Crime Number Rape 41,583 Sexual assault 7,437 Attempted sexual offences 2,146 Contact sexual offences 1,254 Total 52,420
Source: South African Police Service
South Africa’s legal definition of rape is broad. It includes the oral, anal or vaginal penetration of a person (male or female) with a genital organ, anal or vaginal penetration with any object and the penetration of a person’s mouth with the genital organs of an animal
The police recorded 41,583 rapes in 2018/19, up from 40,035 rapes in 2017/18. This means an average of 114 rapes were recorded by the police each day.
The rape rate increased from 70.5 in 2017/18 to 72.1 in 2018/19.
But the police’s rape statistics should not been viewed as an “accurate measure of either the extent or trend of this crime”, the Institute for Security Studies warned.
There is no recent, nationally representative estimate of how many women are raped in South Africa each year.
Common assault is defined as the “unlawful and intentional direct and indirect application of force to the body of another person” or the “threat of application of immediate personal violence to another”.
The common assault rate increased from 275.3 in 2017/18 to 280.8 per 100,000 people in 2018/19.
Assault with the intent to inflict grievous bodily harm
The police recorded 170,979 assaults with the intent to inflict grievous bodily harm in 2018/19 – up from 167,352 in 2017/18. This means, on average, 468 such assaults were recorded every day.
The African continent has the highest adolescent pregnancy rates in the world, according to the United Nations. Every year, thousands of girls become pregnant at the time when they should be learning history, algebra, and life skills. Adolescent girls who have early and unintended pregnancies face many social and financial barriers to continuing with formal education.
When the head teacher found out that I was pregnant, he called me to his office and told me, “You have to leave our school immediately because you are pregnant.”
—Jamida K., Kahama, Tanzania, April 2014
All girls have a right to education regardless of their pregnancy, marital or motherhood status. The right of pregnant—and sometimes married—girls to continue their education has evoked emotionally charged discussions across African Union member states in recent years.
These debates often focus on arguments around “morality,” that pregnancy outside wedlock is morally wrong, emanating from personal opinions and experiences, and wide-ranging interpretations of religious teachings about sex outside of marriage. The effect of this discourse is that pregnant girls – and to a smaller extent, school boys who impregnate girls– have faced all kinds of punishments, including discriminatory practices that deny girls the enjoyment of their right to education. In some of the countries researched for this report, education is regarded as a privilege that can be withdrawn as a punishment.
In 2013, all the countries that make up the African Union (AU) adopted Agenda 2063, a continent-wide economic and social development strategy. Under this strategy, African governments committed to build Africa’s “human capital,” which it terms “its most precious resource,” through sustained investments in education, including “elimination of gender disparities at all levels of education.” Two years after the adoption of Agenda 2063, African governments joined other countries in adopting the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), a development agenda whose focus is to ensure that “no one is left behind,” including a promise to ensure inclusive and quality education for all. African governments have also adopted ambitious goals to end child marriage, introduce comprehensive sexuality and reproductive health education, and address the very high rates of teenage pregnancy across the continent that negatively affect girls’ education.
Yet many AU member states will fail in this promise if they continue to exclude tens of thousands of girls from education because they are pregnant or married. Although all AU countries have made human rights commitments to protect pregnant girls and adolescent mothers’ right to education, in practice adolescent mothers are treated very differently depending on which country they live in.
A growing number of AU governments have adopted laws and policies that protect adolescent girls’ right to stay in school during pregnancy and motherhood. There are good policies and practices to point to, and indeed, far more countries protect young mothers’ right to education in national law or policy than discriminate against them. These countries can encourage countries that lack adequate policies, and particularly persuade the minority of countries that have adopted or encouraged punitive and discriminatory measures against adolescent mothers to adopt human rights compliant policies.
Gabon, Kenya, and Malawi are among the group of 26 African countries that have adopted “continuation” or “re-entry” policies, and strategies, to ensure that pregnant girls can resume their education after giving birth. However, implementation and adherence vary across these countries, especially regarding the length of time the girl should be absent from school, the processes for withdrawal and re-entry, and available support structures within schools and communities for adolescent mothers to remain in school.
Although the trend of more governments opting to keep adolescent mothers in school is strong, implementation of their laws and policies frequently falls short, and monitoring of adolescent mothers’ re-entry to education remains weak overall. There are also concerns about punitive and harmful aspects of some policies. For example, some governments do not apply a “continuation policy” for re-entry – where a pregnant student would be allowed to remain in school for as long as she chooses to. Long periods of maternity leave, complex re-entry processes such as those that require medical certification, as in Senegal, or letters to various education officials in Malawi, or stringent conditions that girls apply for readmission to a different school, can negatively affect adolescent mothers’ willingness to return to school or ability to catch up with learning.
Many other factors contribute to thousands of adolescent mothers not continuing formal education. High among them is the lack of awareness about re-entry policies among communities, girls, teachers, and school officials that girls can and should go back to school. Girls are most often deeply affected by financial barriers, the lack of support, and high stigma in communities and schools alike.
Some governments have focused on tackling these barriers, as well as the root causes of teenage pregnancies and school dropouts, for example by:
- Removing primary and secondary school fees to ensure all students can access school equally, and targeting financial support for girls at risk of dropping out through girls’ education strategies, as in Rwanda;
- Providing social and financial support for adolescent mothers, as in South Africa;
- Providing special accommodations for young mothers at school, for instance time for breast-feeding or time off when babies are ill or to attend health clinics, as in Cape Verde and Senegal;
- Providing girls with a choice of access to morning or evening shifts, as in Zambia;
- Establishing nurseries or early childhood centers close to schools, as in Gabon;
- Providing school-based counselling services for pregnant girls and adolescent mothers, as in Malawi; and
- Facilitating access to sexual and reproductive health services, including comprehensive sexuality education at school and in the community, as in Ivory Coast, and access to a range of contraceptive methods, and in South Africa, safe and legal abortion.
Despite these positive steps by some African countries, a significant number still impose laws and policies that directly discriminate against pregnant girls and adolescent mothers in education. For example, Equatorial Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Tanzania expel pregnant girls from school and deny adolescent mothers the right to study in public schools. In most cases, such policies end a girl’s chances of ever going back to school, and expose her and her children to child marriage, hardship, and abuse. In practice, girls are expelled, but not the boys responsible for the pregnancy where they are also in school.
Human Rights Watch also found that 24 African countries lack a re-entry policy or law to protect pregnant girls’ right to education, which leads to irregular enforcement of compulsory education at the school level. We found that countries in northern Africa generally lack policies related to the treatment of teenage pregnancies in school, but in parallel, impose heavy penalties and punishments on girls and women who are reported to have had sexual relationships outside wedlock. Countries such as Morocco and Sudan, for example, apply morality laws that allow them to criminally charge adolescent girls with adultery, indecency, or extra-marital sex.
Some countries resort to harmful means to identify pregnant girls, and sometimes stigmatize and publicly shame them. Some conduct mandatory pregnancy tests on girls, either as part of official government policy or individual school practice. These tests are usually done without the consent of girls and infringe on their right to privacy and dignity. Some girls fear such humiliation that they will preemptively drop out of school when they find out they are pregnant, while others will go to great lengths to procure unsafe abortions, putting their health and lives at risk.
Government policies that discriminate against girls on the basis of pregnancy or marriage violate their international and regional human rights obligations, and often contravene national laws and constitutional rights and undermine national development agendas.
Leaving pregnant girls and adolescent mothers behind is harmful to the continent’s development. Leaving no one behind means that African governments should recommit to their inclusive development goals and human rights obligations toward all children, and ensure they adopt human rights compliant policies at the national and local levels to protect pregnant and adolescent mothers’ right to education. Early and unintended pregnancies jeopardize educational attainment for thousands of girls. For this reason, governments need to prevent them by ensuring their educational institutions provide knowledge, information, and skills, so that pregnant girls and adolescent mothers can enjoy their right to continue their education.
Tens of thousands of pregnant girls and adolescent mothers are banned or discouraged from attending school across Africa, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today, ahead of the Day of the African Child on June 16, 2018.
In recent years, many African governments have made strong commitments to ensure that pregnant girls and mothers can attend school. However, Equatorial Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Tanzania still ban pregnant girls or adolescent mothers from government schools.
On June 22, 2017, Tanzania’s President John Magufuli stated, “As long as I’m president, no pregnant students will be allowed to return to school.” Tanzanian police and officials have also arrested pregnant girls and harassed their families to force them to reveal who impregnated them. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has called Tanzania’s policy “shocking,” while the African Commission special rapporteur on the rights of women in Africa and the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child have expressed concern, and said the Tanzanian government should fulfill its human rights obligations.
Girls who become pregnant in many African countries are barred from education. Many countries also do not have policies for re-entry after giving birth. Some countries with high rates of adolescent pregnancy, such as Angola and Burkina Faso, lack policies to manage adolescent pregnancy in schools.
In some countries, school officials resort to harmful means to identify pregnant girls, including forced pregnancy tests, and stigmatize and publicly shame or expel them. Such tests without consent infringe on their right to privacy and dignity. Human Rights Watch has found that some girls so fear such humiliation that they will preemptively drop out of school when they find out they are pregnant. Others procure unsafe abortions, putting their health and lives at risk.
Countries in northern Africa generally lack policies related to the treatment of pregnant girls in schools. Some impose heavy penalties and punishments on girls and women who are reported to have had sexual relationships outside of wedlock. Girls and young women with children, who are often perceived as bringing dishonor to their communities, are ridiculed, isolated, or even imprisoned, and are not expected to stay in school.
Progress is evident in 26 African countries that have laws or policies that protect adolescent girls’ education during pregnancy and motherhood, Human Rights Watch said. Four – including Gabon and Côte d’Ivoire – guarantee girls the right to continue school during pregnancy and after giving birth. Another 22 – including Kenya and Malawi – have conditional “re-entry” policies. Benin, Cape Verde, and Senegal have revoked punitive policies, and adopted policies that support girls’ return to school. However, laws and policies that guarantee “re-entry” are often poorly carried out and not well-monitored to ensure schools comply with them.
Even in countries with good policies, girls face barriers to returning to school. Some schools have burdensome conditions for re-entry, discouraging girls from returning. To overcome these barriers, some countries – such as Gabon and Zambia – have adopted measures to support young mothers returning to school, including ensuring that primary and secondary education are free, accommodating time for breast feeding, allowing young mothers to choose morning or evening school shifts, and establishing nurseries and day care centers close to schools.
In 2018, the AU called on member countries to “Leave No Child Behind for Africa’s Development.” The AU should ensure that pregnant girls and adolescent mothers are included in the agenda to leave no child behind, Human Rights Watch said.
Governments should urgently adopt laws and policies that encourage girls to stay in school, to return to school after having a child, and to succeed academically. All should ensure that they do not impose stringent conditions on adolescent mothers who wish to continue with education.
All countries should adopt comprehensive approaches to support young mothers to continue with education, while tackling the root causes of early and unplanned teenage pregnancies, Human Rights Watch said. They should provide adolescents with access to sexual and reproductive health services, include comprehensive sexuality education at school and in the community, and ensure access to a range of contraceptive methods, and safe and legal abortion.
“Punishing pregnant girls by throwing them out of school will not end teen pregnancies,” said Martínez. “Many African countries will fail in their promise to leave no child behind if they exclude girls who are pregnant or married, but the whole continent will benefit when pregnant girls and adolescent mothers are allowed back in schools.”
“I didn’t want to have a baby … I’ve told all my friends that they do not try to have a baby… it causes many problems… But if you do have a baby, then you should go back to school after the birth. There’s no need to feel ashamed. Mistakes are human.” – Fatoumata, 17, from southern Senegal, who became pregnant when she was 16.
“At the school there was a nurse who would come from the hospital to check [test] for pregnancy. They checked me and found out I was pregnant. They touch your stomach. They did it to all the girls every month. Then they wrote a letter to my parents to tell them I was pregnant and they had to go to the school. There they gave them a letter that I was expelled from school. I was three months pregnant.” – Imani, 22, from Mwanza, Tanzania, who became pregnant when she was 16.
“I became pregnant when in class eight in 2014. I needed money to register for my final [primary school leaving] exam. My father had married another wife and left us. My mum didn’t have any money. I met a man who was working as a part-time teacher and told him my problems. He said he will give me the money. I started a sexual relationship with him, and that is how I got pregnant. My community mocked me. Other students rejected me. They would mock me and laugh at me. I felt ashamed that I was a mother in the midst of girls. I almost left school, but the principal encouraged me and I took heart. My mother struggles to educate me, but I am now in form three.” – Angela, 20, from Migori County in western Kenya, who became pregnant when she was 16.