Herman Mashaba resigned as Johannesburg mayor effective on 27 November 2019, following the election of Helen Zille as the DA’s new federal council chair. He further explained that the election of Helen Zille is a victory for people who stand diametrically against his own belief systems. What party is the DA then – do they “accommodate” every mayor and councillor’s own belief systems and policies, or are the DA policies in place, nevermind the National legislations over and about them all? Not sure what Mashaba’s believes are, as he explained, he made his choice between the DA and the country (and his belief system) at the end of the day. What about the “so-called coalition parties”?
Bedanking van Mashaba – hoe raak dit ons as volk – nie regtig nie …
Daar is baie interne politiek en verskille – volkseie gebiede en onafhanklike land soos wat deur die Volkstaatraad aanbeveel is, is die beste roep vir ons.
Nog nooit na 1994 was ons al ooit erens as volk geakkommodeer nie. Inteendeel ons word onder swart bemagtiging toegegooi. Verder, as dit nie Guptas en korrupsie, is dit misdaad, moorde en verkragtings. Geen wenners in 25 jaar se kastige demokrasie nie en nog minder menseregte, wat daagliks geskend word.
Dit is net ironies, daar word soveel verskeie politieke partye wat van mekaar verskil toegelaat in die parlement, maar as ‘n volksparty vorentoe wil gaan en selfbeskikking / onafhanklikheid verkry het die “oorgrote kommunistiese partye” daarmee ‘n probleem. Dan word dit as “apartheid” afgemaak, terwyl elke volk ‘n reg het om hulself te regeer, onafhanklik in hul eie gebiede. Gebiede wat voor 1910 onafhanklikheid geniet het, twee onafhanklike lande, as dit nie deur die Britte oorgeneem is met ‘n bloedige oorlogstryd nie.
Ons was oor die 600000 Afrikaners en Boere wat in 1994 gestem het vir die Volkstaatraad. Na die verkiesing was dit 100% deur die ANC gesteun. Die ANC weet presies wat ons behoeftes is, maar ten spyte daarvan, word ons daagliks gemelk met al die korrupsie en swart bemagtiging.
Meeste partye , selfs die links liberales en klassieke liberales, wat die kommuniste en grondwet steun, sien eerder ons Afrikaner en Boere se ondergang, met misdaad, korrupsie, swart bemagtiging, onteiening, ens. as om ons volk te steun vir oorlewing in hierdie kommunistiese veld, want dit is hoegenaamd nie enige demokrasie nie. Dis nie ons wat die grondwet opgestel het nie. Ons wat vir selfbeskikking staan, wil juis ons vryheid he, soos voor 1910.
As ‘n politieke leiers, soos hier die geval, van ‘n metroraad nie gelukkig is met sy party, bedank hy , ten spyte van die stemme wat daar vir hom was. En hy is nie die eerste een en ook nie die laaste een nie. Hy was ook voorheen by die ANC, en toe was hy ook nie daar gelukkig nie.
Die politieke bedanking van Herman Mashaba , wat op een van die hoogste metrorade in die land is, klink baie deurmekaar en veral “verdag” noudat Zille ‘n pos gekry het.
Die laaste munisipale verkiesing was in 2016 waar daar ook heelwat koalisies met ander politieke partye gevorm is. Indien iemand dus op ‘n politieke party se keuse in ‘n munisipaliteit of metroraad inkom, is dit tog daardie party se beleid wat uitgevoer word, en nie persoonlike belange nie. Was daar nog altyd botsende belange of nie?
Daarteenoor is alle politieke partye vandag onderhewig en onderdanig aan die “1996 Grondwet” sowel as nasionale wetgewing wat alle politieke partye ook in hul beleidsake moet deurvoer. Indien daar twyfel bestaan, moet daar na die provinsiale wetgewers se adminstrasie nageslaan word. Hantering van munisipale dienste gaan op sommige plekke beter, maar dit word steeds gemeet aan nasionale wetgewings.
Enige politieke party wat sitting het in parlement, moet ook toesien dat die nasionale wetgewing nagekom word, al verskil dit van hul eie beleid in ‘n provinsie waar hul as leiers aangewys is deur die lede van publiek. Daar is meerderheid ANC wat die besluite maak en selfs tot op grondvlak en ook wetgewing soos swart bemagtiging, deurvoer op alle vlakke van regleering en die privaatsektor.
Die “regse elemente” is dus ook nie baie duidelik nie en tog indien daar opgelet sal word oor sekere organisasies en instansies, wat aan regs gekoppel word, wat beslis ook nie waar is nie.
Wat uitstaan is dat Moshaba al vroeg ‘n besigheid begin het , voor 1990, in die ou Bophuthatswana en geleenthede benut het, net soos baie ander swartes gedoen het. Terloops, ons as blankes moes almal lenings aangaan om of ‘n huis of eiendom / besigheid op die been te bring. Selfs twee werke beoefen het om die pot aan die kook te hou. Niemand van ons is ryk gebore nie.
Dit word waargeneem dat hy ook maar geld geleen het van ‘n blanke “vennoot” – dus was hy dan ook “bevoordeel” voor 1994, soos wat swartes ons altyd beskuldig? Hy is ook nie die enigste swarte wat besighede bedryf het voor 1994 nie, daar is heelwat ander bekende swart leiers, wat in aansien by Oppenheimer was. Dus, is daardie swart leiers vandag ook mos bevoordeel” soos wat hulle ons vals beskuldig. Ons gaan nie uit ons pad uit om hierdie mense vals te beskuldig of te beweer ons het onsself bevoordeel nie, want ons het nie.
Heelwat tuislande, veral Bophuthatswana het heelwat besighede gehad en ook beleggings uit die buiteland gekry. Daar was heelwat groeipunte, en Hammanskraal area was een, net soos wat Rosslyn ook een was. Mangope was die enigste tuislandleier wat ‘n eie geldstelsel en selfs ekonomie gehad het, en mens glo hy was opreg trots daarop. Vir hom het dit ook gegaan dat hul hul eie leiers kon instem, daar was niemand van hul weggewys in daardie tydperk nie.
Skole was ge-erf in ongeveer 1954 ge-erf deur ons regering en daar was bittermin Engels. Die Britte het van kerkskole / sendingskole gebruik gemaak om die opvoeding op skoolvlak te doen. Dit was meestal alles in Engels gedoen.
Meeste opleidingskolleges en universiteite, van ons kant af, was oorheersend in Afrikaans. Dis niks minder as reg nie, dis ons keuses gewees om ons opvoeding in ons moedertaal te kon beoefen en verder geleerdheid te ondergaan.
Indien die ander 10 reservate en ook ander Britse kroongebiede, soos Richtersveld en Griekwaland, destyds onder Britse beheer (1854-1961), ook aangedring het op moedertaalonderrig, was die prentjie totaal en al anders. Die Britte het eenvoudig in 100 jaar genoeg gehad in 1954 en al hierdie swartes op ons afgegooi en te verEngels, want dis wat hulle waarskynlik in hul kerkskole of sendingskole geleer het, was om opstande te bewerkstellig om van ons en Afrikaans ontslae te raak.
Daardie tyd is al ons blankes die skuld gegee vir die Britse ryk se doen en lates. Dis hulle wat die reservate en kroongebiede in 1854 begin het, nie ons nie. Verwoerd het dit ook nie APARTHEID genoem nie, maar goeie buurmanskap tussen etniese volke. Tuislande (voorheen bekend as Reservate of Britse kroongebiede) was almal onder Britse beheer tot en met 1961 wat ons ‘n republiek geword het. Om ‘n volk toe te laat om hulself onafhanklik te regeer soos Botswana en Suid-Sudan, is nie “APARTHEID” nie, dis in lyn met internasionale reg wat elke volk mag uitoefen.
Wat uitstaan is, dat Herman Mashaba , Mandela en duisende ander hulself gekwalifiseer en besighede bedryf voor 1990. Daar was selfs gastehuise in Soweto area voor 1994 te bespeur. Daar was groot grensnywerhede ook geskep, asook opleiding verskaf, waarvan heelwat daarvan gebruik gemaak het. Dus, hoekom kan ‘n paar duisend dit gedoen het, maar ander het ‘n pyn daarmee en gee “apartheid, blankes en Afrikaans” die skuld vandag?
Mashaba saying he would resign if “right-wing elements” took over the party. Most of those people that voted for the DA are liberal and even more to the left. Previously, liberal leaders, like Zille, was never a right wing element since the 1980’s. He also penned an opinion piece on News24, asking whether the liberal think-tank Institute of Race Relations (IRR) was to the DA what the controversial Gupta family was to the ANC.
Mashaba needs to do his homework in his own world – none of those mentioned are “so-called right wing organisations”. The current parliament, the constitution, kodesa, IRRSA have been financed by the OSF.SA (SOROS) , Cato Institute (SOROS), and other liberals and even Oppenheimer and Ruperts, as well as much more liberal organisations. Cato Institute and OSF are worldwide, which are liberal and classical liberal think tanks, mostly situated in America. Soros is responsible for the chaos in this country and worldwide. OSF is in SA since late 1970’s and also financed other organisations, like Black Sash which Zille and Ramaphela worked for, but NOT right wing organisations. Therefore IRRSA is a classical liberal organisation and part of Soros. Soros is also responsible for all the chaos in South Africa and protest actions. If Johanesburg is a better place within 3 years, is it laughable that the protest actions and attacks are not less than 4 years back. The DA control perhaps the metro and municipal services, but they do not control national legislations. There are more illegals in the country since 1994, all over, also in Western Cape, not only in the DA controlled areas.
The Gupta family were at the heart of allegations of state capture during former president Jacob Zuma’s term in office. Zille recently worked for the IRR, but suspended her fellowship with the organisation when she decided to stand for the federal council chair position.
Maimane said: “Today is a difficult day. It’s a difficult day for the people in Johannesburg. There can be no doubt Johannesburg is a better place today then it was under the ANC,” he said.
What about the “Coalition parties in Johannesburg? Do they and their supporters feel the same about this “resignation”? Hoe voel die ander politieke partye en hul ondersteuners wat vir 3 jaar “gebonde” was aan die “koalisie”?
“As part of the coalition with the DA in the Johannesburg metro, Cope will have to discuss the status of our coalition in our next congress national committee (CNC) sitting. We are also going to request a meeting of the coalition so that we can get information and map a way forward for the coalition.
“This is about resistance by liberal forces that want to continue denying the historical injustices. We shall re-evaluate our participation in the metro coalition.” In his announcement, Mashaba accused the party of veering of Maimane’s vision of “one South Africa for all” and that the party had set out to frustrate him for being “pro-poor”. Another coalition partner, the IFP, said in a statement on Monday that Mashaba’s decision stemmed from circumstances “largely anchored in DA politics”. The party’s Gauteng chairman, Bonginkosi Dhlamini, said it would study Mashaba’s statements relating to the governance of the city and “make a pronouncement in due course”.
“The co-operation government has not been without its challenges, but importantly more often than not we have been able to agree on the best possible solutions for the people we serve. The disagreements have strengthened our co-operation,” said Dhlamini.
“During this transition period in the city, the IFP remains committed to putting the people of Johannesburg first, and therefore in the days leading to November 27 [when Mashaba’s resignation takes effect], service delivery must not be interrupted.”
The EFF – which despite not officially being part of the coalition had steadfastly supported Mashaba and voted alongside the DA – described Mashaba as “always humble, consultative and willing to concede to superior logic”.
“Even as he belonged to a political party characterised by white supremacy and anti-poor policies, Mashaba turned his back on these policies and practices that are core to the DA. He became more social democratic than even the neo-liberal ANC that his coalition government replaced. He ran the city with the poor and not profit at the centre of policy planning,” the party said in a statement.
“There is absolutely no doubt that the election of Zille as federal chairperson is a turn to the right in the DA, which should necessitate all social democrats to abandon it once and for all. Zille represents a colour-blind white caucus that seeks to live life as if there is no racism and the brutal history of apartheid in SA.”
It said Mashaba’s departure is a “sad development for the left-leaning and people-oriented transformation of the local state”.
“The EFF will now enter into internal consultations and at a right moment, we shall inform the people of SA and the city of Johannesburg of our proposed way forward.”
Herman Mashaba resigned from his post as Johannesburg mayor on October 21 2019. He listed unhappiness with the direction of the DA as a major factor for his departure. This leaves an uncertain future for the coalition in the city. Sunday Times political reporter Zingisa Mvumvu reports.
Herman Mashaba says he chooses “his people over his party”. With those words, he announced his resignation as Johannesburg Mayor and as a member of the Democratic Alliance. Mashaba says he cannot work with people who think race is irrelevant when it comes to addressing socio-economic issues.
His resignation follows Helen Zille’s election as DA Federal Council Chairperson yesterday. Mashaba had said he would quit should what he calls – the ‘right wing aligned DA faction’ win. Speaking during a media briefing in Johannesburg, Mashaba says he is deeply concerned about the politics of the Democratic Alliance. Mashaba, who became Mayor in 2016 says his last day will be the 27th of November…
History about Herman Mashaba
Herman Mashaba, CEO of Black Like Me, is modest about the historical importance of possibly being the first black owned company to launch its products into the UK market. Targeting a market worth a massive 65M pounds, (R1.4B) he responds with a mischievous smile when asked what share of that market he is gunning for. The simplicity and cool mannerism of this gentlemen belies the fact that his skill as a business man has built a multi million rand beauty empire that has become the most well known in Southern Africa. South Africa House in Trafalgar Square was the venue for the BLM launch in Britain on April 17, when Herman Mashaba, its founder, made history as head of the first black owned South African company to sell its products in the UK and international markets.
For a township thoroughbred it is amusing that while he is packaging products for his London launch, he is also bidding for plant equipment being auctioned by a multinational in the same industry that is closing down.
Born in Hammanskraal, 43 year old Mashaba started his business with R30 000 lent to him by another successful black businessman, Walter Dube. Dube was surprised when Herman repaid the loan in 7 months instead of the agreed three-year period.
From the dusty streets of Garankuwa and a small SBDC Hive four equal partners Mashaba, Connie his wife, Joe Moloantwa, and Johann Kriel, marketed, mixed chemicals, filled containers, delivered products and collected money from customers.
Black Like Me was launched at the peak of the vicious apartheid era, and the height of the township violence. It was 1985 and young black South Africans were rebelling against the oppressive regime. Herman’s white partner Johann Kriel doubled up as chemist and politically correct person to deal with the government officialdom of the day.
By 1990 Black Like Me had acquired it’s own land in Mabopane, and built a state-of-the-art manufacturing plant supplying hair care products to the entire country. In the middle of a typical township the plant stood as a symbol of black hope.
But success breeds enemies and in November 1993 a devastating fire destroyed everything. Arson was suspected but the crime remains unsolved.
An astute marketing man, Mashaba knew he had to get BLM products back on his consumer’s shelves as quickly as possible. Using a nest egg and taking what he could from his insurers, he bought 827 Richards Drive, Midrand, and began the task of rebuilding the company for a second time.
As South Africa experienced it’s first democratic election in 1994 Black Like Me once more embarked on building its market share. Competition came in the form of huge multinationals with sophisticated American images, state-of-the-art chemical formulations and large marketing budgets.
This changed the entire hair care landscape and diverted the focus from the salons to retail stores. Increased product access in No-Lye kits shifted the focus and increased the retail side of the market.
Extensive marketing by these multinationals eroded Black Like Me’s market share and drove it’s management back to the drawing board to re-strategise. A multinational partner was taken on, to provide capital, research and development and infrastructure to assist the company to expand its markets.
The acquisition provided better formulations, new packaging and R7 million worth of advertising. Unfortunately the move did not impact on increasing market share locally or internationally. High Price structures, inflexibility and incorrect product mixes, into the retail sector, made a once quality affordable brand too expensive for potential customer.
The acquisition lasted until mid 1999 when Herman Mashaba decided to buy back Black Like Me. Once again Black Like me went it alone as an independent black company.
By 2000 the competition was so tough it looked like Black Like Me would never regain its place in the market.
However by August of that year with slow deliberate effort on the part of it’s CEO and management team Black Like Me broke even and the company was back on track to meet the challenges of the new millenium.
Re-employing some of the key staff that had left during the acquisition, Herman Mashaba and his team turned business around and by the end of 2001 Black Like Me was the fastest growing hair care company in the country. The year also saw the launch of Special Solutions, an up market hair brand catering for the middle/upper level consumer, and Permanent Hair Colour and Perfect Choice Colour, to meet the demands of the young trendy fashion conscious market. The company also expanded its African base and is set on the road to become a global player. The company experienced a 46% growth by the end of 2001.
Its mission as it rolls out internationally is to manufacture lifestyle grooming brands for the international African Consumer, and to provide quality affordable hair care, cosmetics, body care, and fragrance to its target market. It’s vision is to expand business operations internationally in the next five years and build strong brands that will be embraced by Africans globally.
Black Like Me will be launched into the international and local market with a new image and state-of-the-art formulations. To launch the New Black Like Me image locally a Miss Black Like Me pageant will offer young black women a chance to win prizes worth R1m. Selections and auditions will be staged in 9 regions and Miss Black Like Me will be crowned in a gala show in March 2003.
This fortunate young woman will win fabulous prizes and be the first international face and ambassador for the brand. The stylist that grooms the winner will accompany her to the Afro Hair & Beauty Show in London in June 2003. The South African contingent for London includes Miss Ukhozi FM 2001, Miss Umhlobo Wenene FM 2001, Miss Tertiary 2001 and their stylists, who have all won prizes to London courtesy Black Like Me. These beautiful African women will be used on platform to demonstrate Black Like Me product performance.
As a successful African entrepreneur Herman Mashaba was invited to address a Nepad initiative organised by the German government in Berlin in April 2002. His presentation to German and African business people showcased Black Like Me as a successful African business, positively projecting Africa’s potential to succeed against a backdrop of deprivation and poverty. It is hoped that forums like these will dispel the negative perceptions that the Western world has of Africa.
The company also launched a men’s & ladies’ fragrance range into a selected group of stores in May. A gents’ fragrance called BLM Pour Homme & a ladies’ called Seduction. The company again is providing a quality lifestyle brand (Genuine French Fragrance) to its target market.
An exciting year for a local black company that has moved through the ranks as a small local player onto the international stage as part of the African dream unfolding. Black Like Me, from Garankuwa to London, and beyond.
African entrepreneurs that have built small and medium companies from nothing to successful enterprises in the last two decades are few and far between. Herman Mashaba certainly falls into this category and is still working at making his company a symbol of hope for future generations.
Born in 1959, Herman Mashaba’s academic dream was shattered in 1980 in his second year of a B.A. at the University of The North when the University was shut down due to political unrests. When the University was reopened after two months, he decided not to go back. Strong promises to send him out of the country for military training. In late 1980, Mashaba found himself a clerical job with Spar Pretoria where he worked for 7 months. He then worked 23 months for Motani Industries, which became his longest and last salaried job. During his spell at Motani, managed to buy a car, and two months later resigned and started his business career. Mashaba sold different products on a commission basis from the boot of his car for close to two years, ranging from insurance, fire detection systems, linen, crockery, dinner services, etc. His break came late 1983 when he was exposed and sold hair products on a commission basis for one of the companies in Johannesburg. It took him 19 months to make up his mind to start his own hair care manufacturing business.
In February 1985 the first bottle of ‘Black Like Me’ products hit the South African market. Business started with three other partners and his wife with a R30 000 loan, in 200sm SBDC units in Ga-Rankuwa, in the then homeland of Bophuthatswana. He now runs his own investment company, Lephatsi Investments (Pty) Ltd with investments in various sectors of the South African economy; real estate, financial services, insurance brokerage, bullet proof materials, private security, fuel distribution, global cleaning services, facilities management and construction aggregates. Herman has recently launched his autobiography, Black Like You, which is already attracting a lot of media and public interest. On 12 March 2013, Herman was awarded an Honorary Doctorate in Business Administration by Central University of Technology, Free State.